The Emergence of Charitable Societies and Rise of Women Movement
Access to education allowed the emergence of a society that moved more towards modernization, whether urbanized or ruralized. Between an elite class and a peasant class of a society, an emerging middle class was created. This became visible in the new professions that started to be created and practiced, as well as the emergence of charitable organizations led by women, and thus, a women’s movement was in the formation.
The women’s movement in Palestine may have been connected with the first appearances of women’s organizations around the world. This, however, cannot be accurately pointed out. At the same time ,the arguments about feminism, and what is related to the redefining of women’s rights, including clothing, and roles in and beyond the family, as Abu Lughod discusses , were lively topics for men and women who were interested in social reform. Abu Lughod also raises the question of what really went on? And she later tries to explore the “ historical moment when “new” women and men were talking about remaking women.” The connection of women’s movement cannot be reviewed without relating to feminism in this regards, and feminism in Palestine has a complex history ,as that in the Arab world, and other places n the world such as India, when women movement began with nationalism and moved into post-independence concerns about the improvished. We can notice that the Palestinian women’s movement took this direction. One important note should not be ignored when discussing women ‘s movement in Palestine is the fact that “wherever Christian missionaries and European colonists set down, and wherever nationalist movements sought to shape new nations, marks were left on gender ideals and possibilities”.
The earliest association that is agreed upon, about the emergence of women’s organizations, was the Orthodox Ladies Society of Jaffa, which was founded in 1910. Adele ‘Azar helped found The Orthodox Women Society with the intention of helping orphaned and disadvantaged girls receive education. Adele ‘Azar served as the president of the society, and she was also the principal of the Orthodox Girls’ School. Among the teachers who worked at the school were Najla Mousa, Souria Battikha, and Liza Butros. Olga Andraus al ‘Isa supervised the teaching of sewing.
‘Ayda Najjar mentions that women’s nonprofit organizations started their activities at the beginning of the twentieth century, when Nabiha Mansi established “the poor relief orthodox organization” in Acre and provided humanitarian services. The Orthodox Women Society (est.1910) in Jaffa helped orphan girls get educations and sent them to the American University in Beirut. Among the establishers of this society were men and women that were active in public life and were mentioned in newspapers: Rojina Ya’qub Ghandour, Mary George Dabbas, ‘Afifa Elias Dabbas, Adele ‘Azar, Adele Nicola Dabbas, ‘Afifa Ibrahim al Qudsi, Julia Saliba Sleem, Victoria Rofael Zarifa, Zahiya Sam’ān al ‘Isa, Fadwa Elias Burtqush, Melvina Musa Hakim, Fadwa Qdeis, and Sa’da Salim Tamari, who was the president of the society.
In Jerusalem, Jam’iyet tahthīb al fatā al orthodoxiyah (Society for Refining Orthodox Girl) was founded in 1918 under the leadership of Katherine Shukri Deeb, and operated until 1947. This society encouraged the education of girls, and sent them for higher education to Schmidt’s College and the English College. Katherine was also active in the establishment of the Women Union and participated in the women Council in Egypt in 1938 and in 1944.
Katherine Siksik was also among the active women in the “Orthodox Girl society”. She also worked in “Society of Poor Sick Relief” before she devoted herself to helping disabled children. She established a society for the disabled in Beit jala, where she also established a shelter and a maternity home named Virgin Mary. Her work expanded in a very impressive way; she was in charge of four such societies, which eventually merged under “the Society of nonprofit Arab Orthodox Shelters for the Sick and the Disabled.”
Such societies increased in Jerusalem and throughout the country in the 1920s. Among them was also “Santa Terez Society”, which had branches in Nazareth, Haifa, and Jaffa. A nun from Nazareth headed this society and became the head of the Catholic Nuns in Jerusalem, before dying in 1929.
Salma al Himsi Salāma established Jam’iyyet hāmilat al Tīb in 1926. This society included a clinic and supported the poor and refugees in the Nakba. Badi’ah Khouri Salāmeh established the Women NahdaSociety in 1923. She worked on fighting illiteracy. In 1929, Ni’mati al Alami established the “Arab Women Society“ after the “Buraq demonstrations”. Many women participated in this society, hence, this marked the beginning of the formation of Women’s Unions. After 1938, the participation of women spread throughout the different Palestinian cities, and women started different branches throughout cities such as Ramallah, Jaffa, Nablus, Acre, Haifa, and Gaza. Among the active women were ‘Andalib Al ‘Amad from Nablus; Adele ‘Azar; Wajiha Tawfik Dajāni from Jaffa; Zleikha Shihābi; Katherine Siksik; Milia Sakakini from Jerusalem; and Lydia A‘raj from Bethlehem. The Jerusalem branch kept the name and worked together with the Women’s Union, which stopped working during the Nakba, but re-registered in 1965 and was headed by Zahiya Nashashibi.
In Jerusalem, charitable organizations were similarly focused on empowering women by educating young mothers in the principles of parenting, and offered training aimed at self-sufficiency and home improvement. Diana Saīd was a graduate of the Girls College of Beirut in the 1940s, and was among the first special trainers in this domain.
In 1919, the “Arab Ladies Association” was founded in Jerusalem. It was followed by the Palestine Women’s Union in 1921. The regional sentiments toward the British occupation were the same, and women were encountering the same difficulties and challenges. Thus, the courage and the initiative of the women in Egypt must have led to a spread of courage among the women of Palestine.
When the Arab Women’s Union of Jerusalem was founded in 1929, the association was not like its sister association, which had been previously founded solely for charitable and educational purposes. It involved political aspects that included the ongoing struggle. The agendas of these associations were focused on national objectives rather than class. Nevertheless, the founders of these associations were educated and upper-class women from families whose members were leaders of the nationalist movement. They only included women from the working class. The focus was directed toward protesting the British Mandate’s policies and the Zionist entrance and settlement. Of course, women in those organizations were coming from the urban class. Tamar Mayer, in her book Women and the Israeli Occupation: The Politics of Change, notes that because “rural women were more severely affected by British colonial settlements policies and Jewish immigration than were urban middle class women, since their access to land and thus to agriculture was threatened, their involvement in the national struggle was different.” She adds that “while urban middle class women participated through over 200 charitable organizations, rural women participated through active demonstrations and bloody riots.” The situation on the ground naturally often brought rural women into “militant, physical, confrontation of the British and the Jews and facilitated urban women’s involvement in the struggle, while at the same time, the charitable activities in which urban women were involved focused on caring for orphaned victims of peasant rioters, the blind, and the handicapped, and on educating mostly rural women.” Thus, Palestinian women remained united despite differences in their immediate goals. In this sense, a natural synergy occurred in the distribution of associations on the political and social levels among the urban and rural parts of the society. Because of the political situation, women’s main challenging issues were the national struggle. This, in a way, resulted in melting the social issues, especially in countering the patriarchal setup of the society. It was also undisturbing to the patriarchy of the male dominance, in a sense that the issues raised on women’s association and movement agendas were related to the national
struggle. Such activities made women visible, and their voices were heard and noticed; it “took Palestinian women out of the isolation of the home, family and community and out of their regional isolation and made them part of the greater national struggle.” Mayer makes an important point when she discusses the Palestinian national agenda in their struggle. The absence of a clear vision of statehood, once the fight and resistance to the British and Zionist movement ended. This resulted in the same unclear future for the women’s movement. She writes: “women’s future remained located within the traditional realm even though there was an involvement in the national struggle they had become more visible in the public sphere. In fact, it seems that this was the most natural form of public activity for many Palestinian women, because they continued their involvement in such organizations from 1967 onwards in the West Bank and Gaza.”
As one should not underestimate women’s participation within the emergence of their movement in that period, one should also not overestimate their effect.
Their participation in the protests of 1929 definitely brought them to the front line of the news, according to the Palestinian and regional Arab papers, as well as international ones. The occurrence of the Palestine Arab Women’s Congress on October 26, 1929, was mentioned as the first time that women entered into the realm of politics. Participating women expressed loudly a sophisticated and self-conscious purpose about their specific role in political action. The media expressed the uniqueness of the women’s events with fondness. It was the Palestinian women’s voices that were heralded as the first in the Arab world to call for ending oppression, marking the emergence of women in the public arena. One should not forget the start of the movement within the Egyptian Women Union, but somehow the Palestinian act was more regional. It concerned Palestinian society, but at the same time it concerned the same issues relevant to other women in the region, and rang the bells of injustice that befell women and oppressed nations. The echo of that council, however, was limited to the effect of the previous emergence of the women’s movement in Palestine. This has made it more complicated to find an accurate account of the Palestinian women’s movement.
Hence, the discussion of feminism and the women’s movement in the Arab world cannot be complete without mentioning Huda Sha’rawi (1879–1947), an Egyptian educator and women’s rights activist. Huda Sha’rawi was born in Cairo in 1879 to a wealthy administrator. In 1919, Sha’rawi helped organize the largest women’s anti-British demonstration; after a women’s movement that witnessed some appearance in the succeeding years of the First World War. In defiance of British orders to disperse, the women remained for three hours in the hot sun. Sha’rawi made a decision to stop wearing her veil in public after her husband’s death in 1922. Returning from a trip to a women’s conference in Europe in 1923, she stepped off the train and removed her veil. Women who came to greet her were shocked at first, then broke into applause. Some took off their veils, too. This was the first public defiance of the restrictive tradition. That same year, Sha’rawi helped found the Egyptian Women Union. She was elected its president and held the position for twenty-four years. Her goal was to establish links between Egyptian and international feminism. She successfully affiliated with the International Alliance of Women. The Union campaigned for various reforms to improve women’s lives. The issues included raising the minimum age of marriage for girls to sixteen, increasing women’s educational opportunities, and improving health care. Egypt’s first secondary school for girls was founded in 1927 as a result of this pressure. Sha’rawi also led Egyptian women’s delegations to international conferences and organized meetings with other Arab feminists. In 1944 she founded the All-Arab Federation of Women.
Sha’rawi was committed to Arab nationalism and the Palestinian cause. As a result of the refusal of the International Alliance of Women to support Palestinian women in their struggle against Zionism, the relationship with them foundered.
“This set the stage for the launching of an all Arab effort to create a pan Arab feminist organization, culminating in establishing created two years before the emergence of the Arab league of states, this organization became a model for what Arab unification efforts can accomplish. Sha’rawi then led a delegation of Egyptian women on a tour of Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Transjordan to create a federation of Arab feminist unions. By late 1944,the Arab feminist conference was convened in Cairo, and by 1945 the AFU was established, adopting an ambitious agenda of promoting Arab nationalist cause, particularly the rights of Palestinian Arabs, the AFU also echoes the demands of the EFU rejecting the patriarchal system and calling for reforming the Islamic Personal Status laws.”
The first congress was held at the home of Tarab ‘Abdel Hadi, the wife of a prominent leader (‘Awni ‘Abdel Hadi) who later became important in the Īstiqlal Party. The congress consisted of fourteen women from notable Jerusalem families, among whom Tarab ‘Abdel Hadi held a place on its executive committee. The split that occurred in the council as a result of the rivalry among the families made for inconsistent accounts of the congress’s internal workings. The account of Matiel Mughannam, according to Fleischmann’s research, confirms that it was different from that of Tarab ‘Abdel Hadi. The two women provided detailed and divergent information about the preparatory phase of that congress.
The congress remains invaluable to the women’s movement and a counterpoint in its future. The congress also made them visible to the British officials, who tried at the beginning to be part of the congress through their wives. An important historical record to follow is the meeting of the women’s representatives at the high commissioner’s house within a delegation to deliver the congress resolution to the British government that had protests against the Belfour declaration, Zionist immigration, the enforcement of collective punishment, the mistreatment of Arab prisoners, and the donations to the Jewish refugees without the allotment of funds for Arab refugees. In that meeting, the women wanted to tend their majesty to the British government itself, and they had demands concerning the release of prisoners. When the meeting ended, the women refused to drink coffee, as a sign of protest to illustrate the bitterness of the British governance. The women went back to the congress that was still held.
The report of the Higher Commissioner is worth quoting, as Fleischmann did in her research on this, because in many ways it explains clearly the real problems, and intentions as well, of British thinking and tactics toward maintenance of the status quo. The very important and dramatic fact is that the British attempted to threaten women, put their efforts down, and silence them through the very traditions of patriarchy that the British both accused the Arabs of and denounced regularly. The commissioner’s report included the following: “Attempts were made to induce some of the Muslim leaders to dissuade the women from making the demonstration. At first they declined to intervene; but when it was explained to them that the demonstration would be stopped by force if necessary, and that they would have only themselves to thank if their women came into collision with the police, the arrangements were altered. It was arranged that the main body of the conference should drive from the meeting to the al Aqsa mosque where they would await the members of the delegation… the arrangement was duly carried out.”
That meeting also resulted in a lot of media coverage. The October 30, 1929, edition of the newspaper ṣawt al Sha’b published the names of the participating women and complimented their courage and resilience.
The delegation comprised twenty-seven women. It is perhaps also important to mention that during that meeting, disturbances and protests resulted in the killing of sixty-seven people, among them the womenSabha Hafez Nusseibeh, Peniar Meligian, Rabi’ā Muhammad ‘Aseeb, and two women (Suād al ‘Ali and Amīna al haj Yasin) from Kabatya. Other women were critically injured.
Fleischmann stresses an important point that would mark the Palestinian women’s movement in that period, and that continues to affect it today; according to her, there has been an overlapping of names of women in the different organizations and associations, which resulted in inaccurate information. This overlapping also indicates the split that took place between the major elite families in Jerusalem in their well-known rivalry over status. “In 1938 or 1939, there was a split amongst the women along the lines of the Husseini-Nashashibi rivalry, despite protestations to the contrary.” Fleischmann increases her speculation with the fact that none of the founding members of either group were alive by the time she conducted her research to help clarify the situation. She adds: “one can only conclude that the women were not ‘above’ politics, and, as we shall see, most of their activities were infused with politics, even when they engaged in charitable work. After the split, there were two groups: the Arab Women’s Union and the Arab ladies society.”
Fleischmann also notes that the “plethora of names in the sources confuses attempts to reconstruct the history of the women’s movement during this period, particularly when one tries to trace the origins and effects of the split into two organizations.” For instance, many references in written sources indicate different names for organizations that seem to have been one group. The “Arab Women’s Committee,” the “Arab Ladies Committee,” the “Arab Ladies Society,” and the “Arab Women’s Society” seem to refer to the same group. There have been references in the press mentioning the presumably identical “Executive Committee of the Arab Women” (or “Ladies”) and “Women’s Executive Committee.” The “Arab Women’s Executive in Jerusalem,” according to Matiel Mughannam, replaced the “Arab Women’s Committee.”
The term Ėttihād Nisāī’ (Women’s Union) was not used until after 1938, Fleishmann confirms.
One can determine that, in reality, there was one major women’s organization in Jerusalem that “operated under all of the various names.” The Women’s Executive Committee was the first nucleus of this movement, and it was later transformed into a broader organization that continued to be dominated by the more prominent members of the Executive Committee.
The Arab Women’s Association was directly focused on written appeals and protests to the Mandate governors. The appeals were “composed of long, detailed memoranda dealing with the current, urgent issues.” Women sent appeals about education, discrimination against Arab employees in the civil service, taxation, and relief for the peasantry.
The Arab Women’s Association “was founded in 1929 as the first organization bringing Arab women together, following al Burāq riots of the same year. The AWA emerged from the Palestinian Women Congress which emerged on 29th October 1929, with an ambitious set of goals enunciated in its bylaws.” It became active in its written protest mostly during the 1930s, when people were detained and imprisoned. The 1936 revolution resulted in extensive written appeals and protests. Women worked on the ground, on the other hand, on relief and support to prisoners and their families. They collected donations and raised funds for clothes and food for prisoners, the wounded, and their families.
The intensity of the women’s movement and its activities was directly affected by what was happening on the ground in Palestine. The deterioration of the situation resulted in increasingly politicized activities by women, which later became militarized. Women participated in large numbers in 1933 in nationalist demonstrations in major cities in Palestine. The British government tried to shut the women’s movement out of such protests by putting the same “traditional value” pressure on men. They had used the same tactic with earlier protests, when men convinced their women not to take to the streets after British pressure and threats. This time, according to a confidential letter from the Higher Commissioner to the Secretary of State dated October 23, 1933, “a new and disquieting feature of this demonstration (in Jerusalem) was the prominent part taken by women from good families as well as others.” The police complained that women were troublesome, screaming, kicking against the gates of government offices, and waving handkerchiefs. Women not only participated in Jerusalem demonstrations on that occasion, but also travelled to Jaffa for another demonstration the week after.
The activities that women conducted during the eruption of the rebellion in 1936 took a similar form to what Palestinians as a society today would do, and to what they have conducted in previous confrontations, such as the first intifada. Women took direct roles in the revolution, including militarizing and joining demonstrations. Due to their intellect, women participated in meetings with British politicians and contributed written protests. On the ground, women joined a boycott campaign against non-national goods and enforced a boycott on merchants. They raised money for weapons by selling their jewelry, and in some cases donated private funds. In villages, women directly participated as fighters. Some young women students participated in revolutionary activities by strewing nails in the streets in order to puncture the tires of military jeeps.
Within the villages on the military fronts, women’s participation included providing the fighters with food and smuggling weapons and equipment. Some women worked as informants. Some women actually participated in the fighting, using guns. Among the famous names that earned a place in women’s memories was Sabha al ‘Ali, famous for tying bullets around her chest and her back and around her waist during the 1936 revolt. Among the stories that entered legend were those about a group of women called Rafikāt al Qassām (Companions of al Qassām), who fought with al Qassām in the 1930s. Other groups were called Kufūf al sawdū’ (the black gloves) and Al-Futuwwāt (the masculine). Women were part of the Najāda military party. Another female military group was called Zahret al Aqhawān, which formed in February 1947 in Jaffa. The movement started as a social change and interfaith movement and later changed into armed struggle during the Jewish assaults and massacres against Palestinians. Among the women fighters were the founders Muhiba Khorsheid and Nariman Khorsheid, Abla Fatāyer, Yusra Touqan, Fatima Abu al Huda, and Yusra al Barbari. Another group was later founded under the name Munazzamet al Ard (the Land Organization), and was led by Najla al Asmar and Juliette Zakka.
In some schools, girls joined scouts in order to be trained for military fights. Isam Hamdi Husseini, who lived in Jaffa, Nazareth, and Gaza, was among the activists in Gaza schools to work on the scout training camps.
Revolutionary activities in the 1930s generated a lot of local and regional media attention. Part of the Arab women’s activities were aimed at connecting with other Arab women activists in the region, such as Huda Sha’rawi in Egypt and women’s organizations in Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq.
This period marked an important evolution in the Palestinian women’s movement, from a local Palestinian affair to a regional Arab movement. The support and unity, either in words or in actions, helped unify women’s positions and enhance their role. In that decade, several Arab women’s conferences took place, in Beirut (1930), Syria (1932) and Baghdad (1932), and The major conference, though, was the Eastern Women’s Conference to defend Palestine , which was held in Cairo October 15–18, 1938, under the direction of Huda Sha’rawi. On the occasion of the conference, twelve Palestinian women comprised the Palestine delegation, joining delegations of women from Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, Syria, and Egypt.
After the visible achievements of the movement during the conference, the Arab Women Association (AWA) split officially into two groups. Political factionalism was the result of that split, with the Arab Women Union (AWU) allying with the Husseini faction, and the Arab Women’s Association with the Nashashibi faction. Competition between Zleikha Shihābi and Zahiya Nashashibi for the presidency of the AWA also contributed to the split. The Jerusalem branch of the AWA kept its name and worked alongside other women’s unions that were formed as a result of the split of the AWA. Consequently, the Arab Women Union led by Zleikha Shihābi was more of a political organization, while the others focused on charity.
Another organization, which started in the early 1940s but became visible after the Nakba, was al tadāmon al nisāī. It is not known who started the organization and when. Women interviewed in Faiḥaī ‘Abdel Hadi’s investigation on Palestinian Women’s Role in the forties and fifties gave differing testimonies regarding its establishment. What is certain is that the association had multiple branches, and women in each branch knew details of the branch she came from. Jārallah sisters, Sara, Samia and Rifqa started the society in Jaffa at the beginning. The main office was in Jerusalem, and was affiliated with the prominent female Egyptian doctor Duriya Shafīk. The society worked on women’s empowerment mainly through lectures and workshops focused on raising awareness and developing skills. Among the women who headed the society were Lulu abu al Huda from Jerusalem and Nadiyyah Rassas, a teacher who recruited other teachers to join. Duriya Shafīk was a leading figure of the Egyptian women’s movement.
The photo used in this research, as mentioned earlier, was taken, when Huda Sha’rawi came to Jerusalem to mobilize for the conference in 1945.
One can come to an understanding from the above mentioned demonstration to the formation and development of the different societies, and later the evolvement of the women’s movement , that the women’s movement was a consequence of an eventual strong build up of charitable societies that worked and focused on different needs to the Palestinian society with a clear focus on women. The awareness of the needs women required in that time, as well as the society at large , helped create a strong mindset in the women leadership that was as well evolving as a consequence of such work , that also required involvement in different societal needs, that naturally included the changes in the political situation.
The political situation forced a growth in the national sentiments and consequently made the women more involved in the needs that were encountered as the political situation continued to go towards unknown directions and results.
The extensive work in charitable societies, gave the women a more realistic sense of needs ,and created a better connection with the society between it’s different classes. Women who were leading such societies have seemingly realized the capacity that was inside women themselves, which entitled the societies to move adequately towards the steps of women’s movement that fitted the criteria of emerging movements. With a political situation that was leaving the society with no options but a continued state of occupation and despair, women in such positions found their roles to become more meaningful to the general societal need in the face of the unknown political agendas in preparation.
As a result, from the beginning of the formation and development of the women’s movement, women have decided to claim their rights on two inseparable lines within what will remain a Palestinian plight for liberation; moving forward modernity with an increase of education and openness to the region and the world, but yet preserved the cultural and traditional customs of the society. And Aligning with a national political agenda, in which they proved that their involvement was positive and important, but yet continued to align themselves with men’s political activism.
Palestinian women delegation leaving to Cairo in1938
In Alexandria within the women delegation to Egypt
in 1939 (second women council)
 From: zakiret al watan .fb
 from: Palestinian’s women Role in the 1930s
 Najjar Ayda, Al Bint al Shalibiya
 From: Zakiret Watan. Fb
 from: Zakiret Watan. Fb
 From: British Mandate photo library
 from: British Mandate Photo Library
 Najjar Ayda. Bint al Shalabiya
 Abu Lughod, Lila.Remaking Women. P. 4
Palestine :Information with Provenance(PIWP database). Orthodox Ladies Society of Jaffa. http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/authors.php?auid=45842
 Robson,L. Colonialism and Christianity, p. [ADD PAGE NUMBER
Najjar, Ayda. In Memory of Nakba: Palestinian Women Struggle was bigger than years of Naakba(ar) .Al dustour.http://www.addustour.com/15025/في+ذكرى+النكبة+%3A+نضال+المرأة+الفلسطينية+كان+قبل+أكثر+من+سنيّ+النكبة.html
 Najjar, Bint Al Shalabiya, p. 203–207
 Najjar, Bint al Shalabiya, p. 123
 Fleischman. Jerusalem and Jerusalem Women During the Early Mandate Period. http://www.passia.org/jerusalem/publications/J_wom_org_british_man_txt.htm
 Mayer, Women and the Israeli Occupation: The Politics of Change, p. 65
 Ibid., p. 66
 Bois, Danuta. Huda Sha’rawi. Distinguished women of past and present.1997 http://www.distinguishedwomen.com/bio.php?womanid=288
 Talhami, Historical Dictionary, p. 36
 Fleischmann, III. The Women’s Movement in Jerusalem, 1920s to 1930s . http://www.passia.org/jerusalem/publications/J_wom_org_british_man_txt.htm
 Fleischmann, The Women’s Movement in Jerusalem, 1920s to 1930s .p. 25–26. From confidential letter, Oct. 31, 1928, from Sir John Chancellor to Lord Passfiled, Secretary of State for the Colonies, personal papers of Sir John Roberts Chancellor, Rhodes House, Oxford.
 Najjar Ayda, In memory of Nakba. http://www.addustour.com/15025/في+ذكرى+النكبة+%3A+نضال+المرأة+الفلسطينية+كان+قبل+أكثر+من+سنيّ+النكبة.html
 Fleishmann, The Women’s Movement in Jerusalem, 1920s to 1930s p. 28
 Ibid., p.28
 Ibid., p.28
 Ibid., p.28
 Ibid., p. 29
 Ibid., p. 30
 Talhami, Ghada. Historical Dictionary of Women in the Middle East and North Africa. Rowman and Littlefield 2013, p. 36–37
 Fleischmann, The Women’s Movement in Jerusalem, 1920s to 1930s p. 30–31
 See Photos:
 See Photos:18,19,20
 Testimonies of women: ‘Abdel Hadi, Faiḥaī. Palestinian Women’s Role in the Thirties, Ramallah: Palestinian Woman Center for Research and Documentation 2005, pg.69-94
 ‘Ibid. pg. 69-94.
 Fleishmann, The Women’s Movement in Jerusalem, 1920s to 1930s p. 33