Nakba. 67 years and a day after.

Well. It is still Nakba, with continuous de-digestion.

Some parents practically locked up their teenagers from leaving their homes ( I was among those he literally begged my teenager not to abandon the house for any reason . I was into any of his  blackmailing tactics on such an occasion ), because the pain of last year two teenagers in this very timing is still open with its wound. It is not that the loss of one or two is problematic. It is probably about how cheap life passes by. Palestinians used to proudly give their sons for martyrdom for the sake of the cause of liberation. Last year, however, marked a lot of differences. Inside a normalized systematic approach of the past 20 years, people in the west bank, especially in Ramallah and its districts, started believing that the helium fed mini-state of Ramallah could be real, with a neighbor they will not have to see, despite enslaving them on their very own land with settlements and roads and of course checkpoints. But as for many, VIP services became at a fingertip that was also passable. But last year witnessed the killing of the two young teenagers on the Nakba day, unprecedented killings of young men in the previous months. Stories of killing with cold blood, that seemed outrageous to the current normalization effect. Of course what took place a month later starting from Hebron and ending up in Gaza broke all chains of imagined normalization. Killing became collective. People became numbers. There was no place for focusing on one story and humanizing it. Humanity was under the butcher knife, and whoever survived it got the happy ending.

This year, people stayed mostly home securing their children from being the next celebrated victims for either of the warring factions. Because it became a trend last year. With each victim laid under the earth, a color of the flag covering it became most famous, and while parents mourn, factions fought for the covering color of the corpse. Well, a martyr fell, and some few fell injured. But what is one next to hundreds? After all, it wasn’t that people didn’t want to commemorate the Nakba. But it was more that the commemoration took an official marking this year some days before. To realize that this happened on the occasion of the apparent decision that the “leadership” was celebrating the Vatican’s recognition of Palestine. Well. Who wants to make another screaming speech to miss a paid vacation in Rome? Italy always leaves a more astounding flavor in the taste after all.

A convoy from the north walked all the way from Haifa to the Aqsa. They started with ten and ended with seventy. An impressive effort by people who still feel the bitterness of being forced to be absorbed by occupation with the nostalgia to their original roots, that are still deeply entrenched in the same extended soil in the neighborhood not far away.

After all. The commemoration took place. And Nakba is still remembered.

But something kept buzzing in my head. From the day before. My weekly radio session with Mossi in all for peace. The anguish, and loudness that took over the discussion at some point. Mossi, is a charming leftist, Meretz. The few proud remaining left in Israel. Not that I buy. But I imagine the intensity of what they do being Israelis. One thing remained in the echo of our discussion when at some point he accused me of being bad for Palestinian propaganda. And I was thinking, oh my god. I am bad enough talking badly about the PA all the time. I am already screwed. Now what? I should be a peaceful Palestinian like Abbas talking nicely in accordance to what the Israeli public wanted to hear? Luckily I am not Abbas. And sadly, nobody pays me to force me to say what he or she like.

But something ignited Mossi’s temper, and I fully understand him somehow, after all, he is a politician, he is Israeli. He knows what an Israeli wants to hear. But my point remains. To hell with what the Israeli wants to hear. We should go a step further. It is about the truth. Not the reality of where we are today. It is about Israel being an occupying existence, whether Israelis want to recognize it or not. As much as it is problematic for us Palestinians not to find it easy to understand the reality of Israel, it is worse for Israelis that they don’t get this. After all. Israel is a sudden existence that befell on the Palestinians. We Palestinians were, and still, there, it cannot be erased, and changing history by inventing facts can work, but when people disappear in hundreds of years. We didn’t disappear yet.

I know that each time I compare Israel to the Nazi, Mossi hates me and I understand him. I have to say that I love our debates. They are relevant and genuine. Not always pleasant, though. And sometimes I don’t know whom of him and I exist. Is it I Nadia or it’s Palestine and is it him Mossi, or it’s Israel. But the occasion was an original one …

The Nakba.

After all, you cannot come to a Palestinian and say; you fled. You murdered poor Jewish civilians going to work. You refused the partition. And you expect me to say; I apologize for that. I cannot compare that incident to the massacres committed against my people systematically throughout the previous year until this very day.

I can not see the Nazi resemblance. After all, history is there for us to learn from. And the Nazi crimes are the most important lesson of the Jewish misery. Why not use it as a case study. Especially when we are talking about those who knew the Nazis most. The Jews.

As much as there is this typical stereotyping in the issue Mossi’s defense was that I couldn’t compare the 20,30,40, 60 million victims of the Jews under the Nazi to what happened to the Palestinians. And I think. Well. It is half a population. We never got to a ten million .so are we still under the reachable number of allowed victims in this case until the Israelis put us on the same level of misery as theirs?

And when I tried to humanize the Jewish life back then, asking if he considered the Jewish resistance to the Nazis as terror. His answer was a standard Palestinian solution. They only killed German soldiers.

In 67 years of this unjust continuous situation. The best of Israelis still find it impossible to look at them and admit, that who they are is the result of our mischief. The fact that they deny it so much keeps them in this state of perpetual fear. Because for me as a Palestinian, that even if I only represent myself in this very opinion, I still count as a Palestinian voice (my nostalgia to elections makes me obsessive on using such terms); I see him, or Israel as a fact that I have to live with. I can never say I am happy with the existence f Israel. Because it marks my official expulsion and non-ending misery. But I understand perfectly that as much as I grew up in this land believing it is mine, there exist a generation of Israelis like mine who grew believing the same. And as much as it is my right it is theirs. But recognition is a key to real peace.

The difference between an Israeli and a Palestinian is the difference between an oppressor and an oppressed. An occupier and an occupied. It is not a difference between two brothers fighting over who gets the fair share of his father’s land.

The fact that we didn’t agree to the partition plan doesn’t mean that we don’t deserve to have our land. We didn’t accept the partition land 68 years ago because Israel wasn’t a legitimate or even an heir of our inherited property. It feels like going to court with your brothers over an inheritance dispute, and the judge gives the big share to a total outsider. And then we have to agree.

Maybe in ten years, we will regret not allowing Abbas to take the no offer he received. As much as Arafat was blamed for not taking Camp David and so on…

There is something more in that than just sharing a land. It is about recognition, and then it is up to us Palestinians to forgive and let go of what is still ours.

Because the world, the UN, whoever can do whatever they wish in distributing land and property that is theirs. But no right can ever be valid even with all the power on earth if the real owner didn’t sell or agree.

No matter how strong Israel sees it. But the very fact it is comprised of people who decided to live in homes of people whose clothes were still there. Whose keys are still with them until this very day? Whose memories were never wiped from the original people’s minds despite all the changes and the ultimate uprooting of the homes and land it? It is impossible to get away with such a crime and insist on legitimizing it.

We Palestinians may continue to live in our mischief of terrible leadership, which remains occupied by minor interests rather than nations’. We may remain displaced. We may remain threatened in such a life under occupation. There is something about being Palestinians that must be in our blood. It is the cause, not the land that matters at a moment of a total loss of the land maybe. But that cause is as living as the land. And injustice can never be a solution.

Israelis after 67 years still insist on living in denial of the misery they caused. Arrogantly refuse to recognize the crime they continue to commit against people, whose only crime was being simple, naïve and part of a conspiracy that the world gathered against, believing probable that it must have been easy to get rid of them in a year or two …

Palestine is not just a land and people.

Palestine is a cause.

Palestine is a just cause for a people and a land.

Re-reading Nakba

As the social media is flooding with statuses and articles about Balfour declaration in these days, commemorating the 100th year of a promise to a Jewish homeland, that set the ground of the creation of the State of Israel.  I feel for the first time in my life as an adult that I am ready to re-read the Nakba.

It took me, however, years inside my adulthood to read about the Nakba. As if it has been part of a collective catastrophe (which it is) that I personally lived and endured, and some parts of my brain always insisted on blocking. It always felt like a grave injury that lived on your skin for so long, and you are too vulnerable on touching it, for fear of opening it and getting it infected.

I have dared, however, in the last years to dig more into the matter. Getting anything from my parents or my grandmother is impossible. There is something that this issue is treated with a certain feeling of shame and defeat that they prefer to say that they don’t remember.

Falling into the trap of blame game, that from one side we Palestinians have lived with inside our own depths, and blaming the Israelis for that misery as a sole responsibility for this is another side of this trap.

The complexity of this conflict lies in its simplicity. The permanency of it, as well as the denial and throwing responsibilities on others, made it complicated, to a level that it is irreversibly manageable after 67 years.

I think on the occasion of the commemoration of the Nakba this year. We Palestinians should, next to holding the keys of our dwelled upon homes, start a close re-reading of the Nakba. Not focusing on Israel as our primary opponent. Israel at the end was a result of a UN resolution that the international community abide by. It is not that I am removing Israelis from the responsibility of occupation. In the end, the Jews agreed to come to a land with people whom they first ignored their existence, and when they found them, they committed crimes against them, in what the history would one day confirm is an ethnic cleansing of a nation.

But that Israel is responsible for that alone, is where I think we should start to change our focus on. Which is of course practically impossible, because Israel refuses to deal with us except as an occupier vs. occupied. Israel has failed to prove to us that its need for a country that will mark their rise as a nation and their very own existence was not merely against us the people of Palestine. Maybe it is true that the Jews were in such a critical need, and a real threat to their existence was taking place. After all, the Nazis eradication of the Jews in Europe wasn’t a proud moment for modern civilization. Could it be that these people were so traumatized to a level where their survival became the only possible means of existence, as they knew it, and as a result, they justified all the crimes they committed against the Palestinians?

While what became Israel and Palestine remain busy occupied in fighting one against the other, in what seems to be an eternal fight for the very existence, many elements that comprised of different powers and factors benefited both from the creation of Israel and the continuation of the occupation.

A question that I am re-asking to myself is: given the facts on the assumed war of 1948, and the wars that followed, what was the real role of the Arab power? Who among them really fought against Israel and who actually fought on the side of Israel? It was a period that the “Arab World” of the “Middle East” was as new as Israel itself. As much as the Zionist movement, comprised of not only Jews, leading the Jews towards an illusion of “the land without people to the people without land.” The Arabs were dragged into the Arab nationalism that convincingly was ripped away from them by being marginalized in their own homelands in the last decades of the Ottoman Empire. All that became of the Middle East and its leaders were nothing but chosen carefully by the colonial powers. So it is important for us Palestinians to look deeper into this matter. The price of giving shares of what became the Middle East and Arab reign as a result of coup-ing against the Ottomans was a sacrifice called Palestine. Does Israel fall as the only responsible side in this? The formation of Israel was part of a deal outside the region, that it served more than one element, first, finding a final solution to the Jewish problem that has been bothering Europe for many centuries, by maybe sending them voluntarily to their own exile. Another element was definitely keeping a close eye and control over the newly created the Middle East. There was a need to have something “Israel,” in which each of the new and previous colonial powers has access to in the region, especially after the discovery of the resources of the area.

Whereas, in the meantime, the new Israelis continued to convince themselves that this was God’s promised land, not Balfour’s. And the Palestinians continued to convince themselves that an Arab awakening is coming, and the legacy of the Arab Islamic triumphs will remain… it is only a slumber phase of Arab-Islamism.

By the time the leaders of the two invented entities “Israel-Palestine” realized the real scandal their existence vs non-life involves, each side became viciously what we live today ; a monstrous greedy Israel, who might as well fulfill a biblical legacy , and a weak, naïve, Palestine , who might as well get enough from coloring itself with green, red, black and white to keep its place on the map of existence, realizing that Arab nationalism is nothing but oil, money , power fed nationalism .

So much of an un-read, needed to be read of our history should be how we commemorate our ongoing Nakba.

الاسكان في القدس


القدس قبل وبعد أوسلو

القدس بين إسرائيل والقانون الدولي

قضية الإسكان في القدس

تسجيل الاراضي

إحكام سيطرة اسرائيل على الأراضي:

مصادرة املاك الغائبين

المناطق المغلقة :

الاعلان عن اراضي الدولة

رخص البناء

الخاتمه : هدم البيوت


الاسكان في القدس


منذ قيام إسرائيل سنة ١٩٤٨ ، واحتلالها لفلسطين الذي امتد لسائر الارض الفلسطينية سنة ١٩٦٧ شاملة بذلك القدس . دأبت اسرائيل على نهج تمحور حول أسرلة ما يمكن اسرلته من ارض وشعب ، وبكل الأحوال الحرص على ابقاء العرب من السكان في القدس تحديدا ضمن معادلة لا تتعدى ثلث السكان والتأكد من تقليص هذه النسبة وهذا ما كان ولا يزال. فتشير إلإحصائيات أنه “حتى نهاية ٢٠١٠ ،سكن داخل حدود القدس ٧٨٨،٠٥٢ نسمة: ٥٠٤،١٧٩ يهودي وآخرين (٦٩.٩٣٪) و ٢٨٣،٨٧٣ فلسطيني (٣٦٪). حوالي ٥٦،٩٪ من مجموع سكان القدس يسكنون في المناطق التي ضمت إلى إسرائيل في عام ١٩٦٧، من بينهم ٣٩،٣٪ من اليهود . ” [1]

موضوع الإسكان هو ما يترتب على هذا النهج من تطبيقات تطال بها الانسان والمكان معا . فالسكن هو حق بديهي يرتبط ارتباطا وثيقا بشعور الانسان بالامن . فبهذا الموضوع تأكدت اسرائيل من انها تقوم باصطياد عصفورين بحجر واحد : تهديد الوجود عن طريق انعدام الامن ، وحصر المكان بتحديد مناطق الانتشار بالنسبة للسكان .

فقامت اسرائيل باستعمال شتى الطرق لاحكام قبضتها على السكان المقدسيين من خلال توسيع الاستيطان بمحيط القدس من جهة ، والتوغل بداخل احياء القدس (العربية) من جهة اخرى ، وذلك عن طريق بناء وحدات استيطانية جديده وشراء العقارات اما عن طريق الاغراء المفرط بالمال والعمالة او النصب والاحتيال على القانون والاحكام التي صنعتها انظمة الاحتلال نفسها والذي يتمثل بالإضافة الى تصعيب الحياة وتعقيداتها من فرض ضرائب باهظة ومختلفة ، ومطالبة السكان بإثبات وجودهم من حيث السكن لضمان البقاء المبدئي في المدينه ، هدم البيوت يمثل المحطة الاكثر الما وكسرا في محطة التنكيل المفروض على الفلسطينيين.

فالقدس بقسمها الشرقي تظهر كمنطقة بيضاء في معظمها من خلال مخططات البناء لتنظيم المدينة على الخارطة في بلدية القدس(الإسرائيلية) فيما يعرف تحت مصطلح “ملكية غير معروفة” . فمنذ احتلال ال ١٩٦٧ ، كانت القدس تتبع مع الضفة الغربية للإدارة الأردنية . إلا أنه بعد اتفاق اوسلو ، باتت القدس ضمن مواضيع الحل النهائي مما سمح للاحتلال الإسرائيلي بفرض سيطرته من كافة الجوانب والتي شملت كل ما يتعلق ببقاء وأحقية المواطن المقدسي بالبقاء بالقدس بدءا من إثبات سكنه بالقدس عن طريق دفع الضرائب المتعلقة بذلك والذي يتلوه تراخيص تبعيات هذا السكن. من المعروف أن معظم أبنية القدس قديمة ولم تكن مسجله ضمن سجل البلدية الإسرائيلية في الطابو. مما أتاح فرصة أكبر لبلدية إسرائيل بالتحكم بالأبنية. وبما أن الترخيص هو عبارة عن عملية قد تأخذ وبدون مبالغة بالحد الأدنى خمس سنوات للموافقة وعشرات السنين بالحد الأبعد إذا ما لم يكن الطلب قد رفض(على حسب المعطيات فإن٩٤٪ من الطلبات يتم رفضها)[2] . التعقيدات الموجودة تحتاج إلى وقت كثير من فك ترابطها وتعقيدها لما بها من منهجية محكمة بالتحكم وتعطيل سبل الحياة للمواطنين المقدسيين.

القدس قبل وبعد أوسلو


كثر الحديث والتحليل عما جاء عن اتفاقية أوسلو[3] من مخرجات أدت وبعد عشرون عاما من توقيعها الى النتائج التي نعيشها اليوم . فالحالة الحقيقية لما يجري على ارض الواقع اليوم تؤكد مخاوف الكثير من المثقفين الفلسطينيين كأدوارد سعيد الذي قضى نحبه وهو يحذر من نتائجها . في كتابه “غزة أريحا –سلام امريكي” يقول سعيد:

” وقد جاء اعلان مباديء اوسلو ،الذي تم الاحتفال بالتوقيع عليه في حديقة البيت الابيض في سبتمبر الماضي، بالمزيد من التنازلات –كأنما كل هذه التنازلات التي ذكرتها لم تكن بكافية .فقد تنازلت القيادة الفلسطينية ولاول مرة في التاريخ الفلسطيني الحديث،لا عن حق تقرير المصير فقط،بل وعن القدس وقضية اللاجئين ،حيث ارجأت هذه الامور مجتمعة الى مفاوضات “المرحلة النهائية” غير المحدودة الشروط. كذلك تم قبول تقسيم الشعب الفلسطيني ،الذي ناضلت قواه منذ عام ١٩٤٨ من اجل الحفاظ على وحدته، إلى سكان الاراضي المحتلة يتم التعامل معهم داخل اطار عملية السلام هذه . وها نحن نشهد ولأول مرة في القرن العشرين ،حركة تحرر وطني تفرط في انجازاتها الضخمة وتقبل التعاون مع سلطة احتلال،قبل ان تجبر هذه السلطة الاعتراف بعدم شرعية احتلالها للاراضي بالقوة العسكرية”[4].

يتضمن اتفاق اوسلو المبادىء الاساسية للتسوية بين الفلسطينيين والاسرائيليين في ١٧ مادة و٤ ملاحق ومحضر اجتماع واحد.

” تتفق حكومة دولة اسرائيل والوفد الفلسطيني على انه حان الوقت لوضع نهاية لعشرات السنين من المواجهة والنزاع والاعتراف بالحقوق الشرعية والسياسية المتبادلة والعمل على العيش في ظل تعايش سلمي واحترام متبادل وامن وتحقيق تسوية سلمية عادلة ومصالحة تاريخية عن طريق المسيرة السياسية المتفق عليها.”[5]

لم تضع اتفاقية اوسلو القدس ضمن تصنيفات المناطق الفلسطينية (أ،ب،ج) ، وتركتها على ان تكون ضمن مفاوضات الوضع النهائي بشأن وضعها القانوني.فجاء في المادة (ـ١\١٧) انه:

” وفقا لاعلان المباديء تشمل ولاية المجلس اقليم الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة بوصفه وحدة اقليمية واحدة ،وذلك باستثناء : المسائل التي سيتم التفاوض عليها في مفاوضات الوضع الدائم:القدس والمستوطنات والمواقع العسكرية ،واللاجئون الفلسطينيون والحدود ،والعلاقات الخارجية والاسرائيليون ،الصلاحيات والمسؤوليات غير المنقولة الى المجلس”[6].

الا ان القانون المطبق اقرب الى القانون المطبق في المنطقة (ج) في بعض الحيثيات . فبعد احتلال ال١٩٦٧ ، قام القائد العسكري الاسرائيلي بفرض الاحكام العرفية على الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة والقدس (آلشرقية) . وبنفس الوقت قامت اسرائيل بتطبيق الفانون المدني الاسرائيلي على القدس .

منذ عام ١٩٦٧ اصدر القادة العسكريون الاسرائيليون ما يقارب ٢٥٠٠ امر عسكري تحكم العديد من الجوانب الحياتية للفلسطينيين[7].

القدس بين إسرائيل والقانون الدولي


بالنسبة للقدس تحديدا وبعد ضمها سنه ١٩٦٧ بشكل أحادي الجانب، قامت اسرائيل بضم 70.5 كم مربع من الأراضي المحتلة الى اراضيها ودمجتها في إطار بلدية القدس. قام الكنيست الإسرائيلي بسن قانون توحيد القدس عام 1968، وآقر قانون التنظيم والبناء 1965. واوضحت المحكمة العليا الاسرائيلية انه منذ تاريخ صدور قانون عام ١٩٦٧ :” اصبحت القدس الموحدة جزء لا يتجزأ من اسرائيل” .

توضح الدراسة التي نشرتها بيتسيلم الى الأرقام المحددة للمساحة والتي جاءت بالتفصيل التالي :

” منذ عام ١٩٤٨ ولغاية ١٩٦٧ ،كانت القدس مقسمة الى جزئين : المدينة الغربية التي غطت مساحة قرابة ال ٣٨٠٠٠ دونما تحت السيطرة الاسرائيلية ،والمدينة الشرقية التي غطت مساحة ال ٦٠٠٠ دونما تحت السيطرة الأردنية . في حزيران ١٩٦٧ ،استولت اسرائيل على قرابة ال ٧٠،٠٠٠ دونم وضمتها لحدود بلدية القدس الغربية وفرضت القانون الإسرائيلي عليها. الأراضي التي ضمت لم تشمل فقط المدينة الشرقية بحدودها التي كانت تحت السيطرة الأردنية ،بل شملت أيضا قرابة ال ٦٤،٠٠٠ دونما إضافيا، وغالبية كانت تابعة ا ٢٨ قرية في الضفة الغربية ،وبعضها تابع لبلديتي بيت لحم وبيت جالا. جراء هذا الضم كبرت مساحة مدينة القدس ثلاث أضعاف ما كانت عليه قبل الإحتلال واصبحت القدس أكبر مدينة في إسرائيل . والواقع انه لغاية عام ١٩٦٧،معظم المساحة البلدية للقدس بحدودها الحالية لم تكن جزءا من المدينة (الشرقية او الغربية) ،وانما جزءا من الضفة الغربية التي احتلت في الحرب . وقد وضعت الحدود الجديدة عام ١٩٦٧ على ايدي لجنة برئاسة رحفعام زئيفي حيث كان مساعدا لرئيس قسم العمليات في الاركان العامة ،وصادقت عليها الحكومة الإسرائيلية.” [8]

تتعارض عملية الضم هذه مع مبادئ القانون الدولي، ولم يعترف بها مجلس الأمن التابع للأمم المتحدة ولا الدول الأعضاء ويبقى سكان القدس الفلسطينيون في ظل حماية القانون الدولي الإنساني. حيث انه جاء في قرار الجمعية العامة رقم( ١٨١) بتاريخ ٢٧ نوفمبر [9]١٩٤٧ ، على ان تكون القدس corpus separatum تحت نظام دولي تتم ادارته من قبل الامم المتحدة . فلم يتم نقل السيادة على اراضي فلسطين الواقعة تحت الانتداب البريطاني سابقا الى سلطة الانتداب نفسها خلال فترة الانتداب ، ولكنها بقيت معلقة. فاصبحت السيادة على ذلك الجزء من فلسطين والذي اصبح اسرائيل وباستثناء القدس الغربية. اما السيادة على على الاراضي الاخرى فبقيت معلقة لتتم ممارستها من قبل الشعب الفلسطين نفسه. فاحتلال اسرائيل للقدس لم يحظ باعتراف قانوني ودولي على الرغم من اعتراف معظم الدول بسلطة الامر الواقع لاسرائيل على القدس الغربية ، فاتفاق الهدنة بين الاردن واسرائيل سنه ١٩٤٩ كان من شأنه المصادقة على التقسيم الواقعي للمدينة ،الا انه لم يؤثر على الوضع القانوني.[10]

من ناحية القانون الدولي والعرف الدولي فان الاراضي الفلسطينية تخضع للولاية الفعلية لاسرائيل باعتبارها دولة احتلال. ولقد تتالت القرارات الدولية في هذا الشأن بقرارات كقرار مجلس الامن عقب حرب ١٩٦٧( ٢٤٢ ) والذي نص على ما يلي :

” ….وإذ يؤكد عدم جواز الاستيلاء على الأراضي بالحرب ،والحاجة الى العمل من اجل سلام دائم وعادل….وإذ يؤكد ان جميع الدول الأعضاء ،بقبولها ميثاق الامم المتحدة ،قد التزمت بالعمل وفقا للمادة الثانية من الميثاق . أولا: يؤكد ان تطبيق الميثاق يتطلب اقامة سلام عادل ودائم في الشرق الأوسط، ويستوجب تطبيق كلا المبدأين التاليين :

أ: انسحاب القوات (الاسرائيلية) من اراض[11] احتلت في النزاع الأخير.

ب: إنهاء جميع ادعاءات او حالات الحرب ،واحترام سيادة ووحدة اراضي كل دولة في المنطقة والاعتراف بذلك .وكذلك استقلالها السياسي وحقها في العيش بسلام ضمن حدود امنة ومعترف بها ، حرة من التهديد بالقوة او استعمالها. …….” [12]

فاسرائيل تعتبر دولة احتلال ، وبموجب القانون الدولي لا يحق للاحتلال المحارب منح حقوق ملكية.اضافة الى ذلك ينطبق مبدأ عدم جواز الاستيلاء على حقوق المليكة بالقوة في هذا السياق.[13] فلقد تم وضع إطار قانوني لتنظيم الاحتلال في قواعد لاهاي لعام ١٩٠٧ ، واتفاقية جنيف الرابعة لعام ١٩٤٩ ، والبروتوكول الاضافي الاول لعام ١٩٧٧. وبموجبه لا تكتسب القوة المحتلة حق السيادة على الاراضي المحتلة ،بموجب قانون الاحتلال ، وهي مطالبة باحترام القوانينن والمؤسسات القائمة الى اقصى درجة ممكنة .ويفترض ،في هذه الصدد ،ان الاحتلال مؤقت وان القوةالمحتلة ستحافظ على الوضع السابق للاحتلال في الاراضي المحتلة. فمن جهة يسعى قانون الاحتلال الى عمل توازن بين الضرورات الامنية للقوة المحتلة ، ومصالح القوة تحت الاحتلال والسكان المحليين من جهة ثانية. فالهدف كذلك ضمان الحماية والرعاية للمدنيين ، بما يتضمنه التزام سلطة الاحتلال بضمان المعاملة الانسانية للسكان المدنيين وتلبية احتياجاتهم ، واحترام الممتلكات الخاصة وادارة الممتلكات العامة ووعمل المؤسسات التعليمية ،والخدمات الطبية … .

ولقد اكدت محكمة العدل الدولية في رأيها الاستشاري الصادر في ٩ تموز ٢٠٠٤ على انطباق القانون الانساني الدولي رسميا على الاراضي الفلسطينية تأكيدا لكل القرارات الدولية السابقة بهذا الشأن. [14]

قضية الإسكان في القدس

منذ عام 1967 وضعت السلطات الإسرائيلية قيودا هائلة على تطور الفلسطينيين في المدينة لذلك يجد سكان (شرقي) القدس الفلسطينيون أنفسهم في مواجهة نقص حاد في المساكن بسبب فشل وامتناع السلطات الإسرائيلية في عمل التخطيط اللازم والمناسب للأحياء الفلسطينية.

فعملية التنظيم والبناء في القدس تعتبر جزءا من السياسة العامة الاسرائيلية والتي يترتب على هذا الموضوع اعتبارات سياسية تتسك بالاساس بالتمييز الممنهج والعنصري ضد المقدسيين . في مقابل هذا ، تشهد القدس بشقها الغربي تنظيما واستثمارا هائلا في الأحياء في تلك المنطقة وكذلك بتلك الخاصة بالسكان اليهود في الشق الشرقي من المدينة.

فسياسة شد الخناق والتضييق تعتبر من آهم الوسائل التي تنتهجها اسرائيل للتخلص من الفلسطينيين . فبعد ضم القدس سنه ١٩٦٧ ، قامت اسرائيل بإلغاء جميع الخرائط الهيكلية الاردنية التي كانت سارية على الارض ، والذي كان من شأنه خلق فراغ تنظيمي تم تعبئته بصورة تدريجية .

فلقد تم مصادرة الكثير من الأراضي من آجل بناء الاحياء اليهودية في المدينة ، وامتنعت بلدية الاحتلال عن اعداد خرائط هيكلية مستقبلية للمدينة في المنطقة الفلسطينية . في حين تم المصادقة على بعض الخرائط المحدودة من اجل منع البناء الجديد ، وذلك عن طريق اعلان مساحات واسعة عتحت مسمى ” مناطق خضراء” ، وعليه فلقد تم تحديد نسب البناء وافراز مساحات ضيقة للبناء. مما ادى الى وجود ما لا يزيد عن ١١٪ من المساحة القابلة للبناء في القدس “الشرقية” ، والتي كانت بطبيعة الحال مساحات مبنية اصلا.

وعند قرار بلدية الاحتلال بإعداد الخارطة الهيكلية للاحياء الفلسطينية ، تميزت تلك الخرائط بتخصيص مل يقرب عن ٤٠٪ تحت مسمى “مساحات مفتوحة للمناظر” والتي لا يسمح البناء عليها .

أدت سياسة الخنق هذه الى خلق حالة اكتظاظ سكاني في الاحياء الفلسطينية ، يصل الى ضعف الكتظاظ في الاحيياء اليهودية. فتؤكد بيتسليم على انه وفي عام ٢٠٠٢ ،كانت نسبة الاكتظاظ لسكان العرب بالنسبة لتلك المخصصة لليهود ب ١١.٩ متر مربع للفرد الواحد مقابل ٢٣،٨ متر مربع للفرد اليهودي.[15]

إن المبادره في إنشاء المخططات لجهات رسمية تابعة للدولة ولكنها تخدم أهداف سياسية، كما أن المصادق عليها هي أيضا جهات سياسية وليست قانونية. إن الهدف الأساسي من التخطيط هو إستيطاني وتعزيز الوجود اليهودي في المنطقة. المشكلة الكبيرة في مواجهة المخططات هو أنها تعتمد على التلقائية حيث انه يوجد نقص في التقنيات والآليات المتاحة لمواجهة المخططات في القدس( الشرقية) بسبب الجهل بتاريخ البلد.

وعليه ، فان المبادرة بعمل مخططات بديلة كما يحدث في حي البستان ومنطقة وادي ياصول هو مكلف من ناحية مادية، بالإضافة الى أنه يحتاج الى تظافر جهود كل من المحامين والمخططين والمهندسين والسكان من أجل تقديم مخطط مقترح حيث تهدف بعض هذه المخططات الى تغيير واقع وطبيعة المنطقة مثل المناطق الخضراء والمناطق الأثرية الى مناطق سكنية.[16]

تسجيل الاراضي :

شرعت حكومة الانتداب البريطاني على فلسطين في عام ١٩٢٨ بتسجيل كامل اراضي فلسطين الواقعة تحت الانتداب ، فجرى تسجيل الاراضي في اطار عملية تسمى “تسوية الاراضي” . وتتكفل هذه العملية بإجراء تحقيق شامل لتحديد حدود الاراضي داخل القرى والمدن وتأكيد حقوق الملكية على تلك الاراضي. والعملية معقدة وطويلة ، استمرت في ظل الحكومة الاردنية الى ما بعد ١٩٤٨.

بحلول ١٩٦٧ ، كان قد تم الانتهاء من تسجيل ما يقرب ال ٣٠٪ من المساحة الكلية لاراضي الضفة الغربية في سجل الاراضي بعد انتهاء عملية التسوية فيها . وكان من شأن اي ارض تقع ضمن المنطقة التي شملتها عملية التسوية ،والتي لم يتم المطالبة بها من قبل القطاع الخاص ،ان تم تسجيلها باسم خزينة الدولة الاردنية.

في عام ١٩٦٨ صدر القرار العسكري رقم ٢٩١ ليعلق عملية التسوية ليشمل اي عملية تسوية جديده وتلك العالقه منذ عهد الحكومة الاردنية. وعليه ، فان ما يقارب من ٧٠٪ من مساحة الضفة بقيت ولا تزال حتى هذا اليوم غير مسجلة في سجل الاراضي . مما وفر ذريعة امام الاسرائيليين للاعلان عن مئات الااف من الدونمات من اراضي الضفة الغربية على انها اراضي دولة.

وتلك الاراضي التي لم تصبح اراضي دوله ، ولم تجر فيها عملية التسوية ، فلقد تم تسجيل معظمها في سجلات دائرة ضريبة الاملاك (المالية) فقط، وهذا التسجيل لا يشكل دليلا او اثباتا على هوية مالكي هذه الارض ،وانما يعتبر مجرد قرينة على هوية مالكيها.

الى جانب هذا ، يوجد اراضي يعود تاريخ تسجيلها الى الحكم العثماني ، ،الفرق بينها وبين تلك في سجلات المالية ، هو انها تشير الى الموقع العام لقطعة الارض ولا تحدد موقعها بالضبط ولا تتضمن خريطة ، على غير حال تلك المسجله في سجل الاراضي[17].

اهمية التسجيل :

يشكل التسجيل في سجل الاراضي دليلا من الدرجة الاولى على المكية والذي لا يمكن الطعن فيه الا في ظروف استثنائية فقط ( ادعاء شخص ما ملكيته للارض وقت تسجيلها في سجل الاراضي خارج البلاد او لم يكن على علم بعملية التسجيل ) .

عمليه التسجيل هي عملية معقده من حيث الاجراء بداية . التسجيل الول يستند الى القانون الاردني والى سلسلة من الاوامر والتعليمات الصادره عن القائد العسكري ،ويتعين على مقدم الطلب اثبات الملكية القانونية للارض اما عن طريق الإرث او الشراء ، وكذلك يتعين عليه ان يثبت انه يقوم بزراعة الارض وفلاحتها باستمرار (في حالة الاراضي الزراعية) وكذلك حيازتها والتصرف بها بشكل متواصل.

طلب التسجيل عبارة عن مجموعة من الوثائق المطلوب ارفاقها ، ويشمل سجلات دائرة ضريبة الاملاك ، وخريطة مساحة حديثة لقطعة الارض موضوع الطلب . يتعين على المقدم نشر اعلان في صحيفتين تصدران باللغة العربية واسعتا الانتشار في المنطقة ،وكذلك تعليق الاعلان في القرية التي تقع فيها قطعة الارض ،وذلك لتمكين اي شخص يدعي ملكية هذه القطعة من الاعتراض .

يترتب على هذا تكاليف عالية بالاضافة الى اتعاب المحامي و ورسوم تصل الى معدل ما مجموعه ٥٪ من قيمة الارض.

في حال رفض طلب التسجيل الاول ، فمن الممكن تقديم استئناف الى لجنة الاستئناف العسكرية ، والذي قد يأخذ سنوات عديدة .

وعليه ، فان ما يجري في هذه السنوات ونظرا للتكلفه الباهظه ، يقوم المستوطنون بالاستيلاء على الاراضي من خلال الادعاء بملكيات هذه الاراضي وتسجيلها[18] .

إحكام سيطرة اسرائيل على الأراضي


من اجل التحكم والسيطرة على الاراضي قامت اسرائيل باستخدام وسائل تؤمن فيها السيطرة من خلال الاجراءات التالية :

– اوامر المصادرة : هي بالاساس عبارة عن عملية استئجار قصري للارض من قبل الحكومة من خلال اجبار المالك من القطاع الخاص التخلي عن حيازة ارضه لفترة زمنية محدودة مذكوره في امر المصادرة . في الضفة الغربية   تصدر هذه الاوامر من قبل الحاكم العسكري وعادة ما يكون امر المصادره لدواعي امنيه كبناء منشآت عسكريه .

فلقد قامت إسرائيل بضم ٧٠،٥٠٠ دونم من اراضي القدس (الشرقية) والضفة الغربية الى منطقة نفوذ بلدية القدس. وتم مصادرة ٢٤،٥٠٠ دونم ، وهو ما يعادل اكثر من ثلث المساحة ، لاراضي مملوكة بمعظمها ملكية شخصية لفلسطينيين. ولقد تم بناء حتى نهاية ٢٠٠١ ، ما يزيد عن ٤٦،٩٧٨ وحدة سكنية للسكان اليهود فوق الاراضي المصادرة، ولم تشكل هذه الوحدات ولو حتى وحدة واحدة مخصصة لسكان العرب من المدينة على حسب تقرير بيتسيلم بهذا الشأن[19] .

مصادرة املاك الغائبين :

آقرت الكنيست الاسرائيلية اسرائيل سنة ١٩٥٠ قانون “املاك الغائبين ” والذي ينص على مصادرة املاك الفلسطينيين الذين يتواجدون خارج حدود اسرائيل او في دول معادية.

يوجد ٤٣- الف دونم مسجل في سجل الاراضي كاملاك غائبين . والغائب        شمل تعريفه “سكان عرب غابوا بتاريخ ١ ايلول ١٩٤٨ من الاراضي الواقعة تحت سيادة دولة اسرائيل : الذين هربوا الى الدول العربية ،وايضا الذين هربوا الى قرى ومدن الجليل والمثلث ،والتي لم يكن جيش الدفاع الاسرائيلي لغاية التاريخ المحدد في القانون-ا ايلول ١٩٤٨ ،قد احتلها بعد”[20] . ووفقا للامر العسكري بشآن الممتلكات المتروكة (املاك خاصة) (يهودا والسامرة رقم ٥٨ ،١٩٦٧. فان ادارة اراضي الغائبين تقع تحت مسؤولية الوصي على املاك الحكومة والممتلكات المتروكة في الادارة المدنية .

بموجب القانون الدولي ، فعلى الوصي على املاك الغائبين ادارة هذه الممتلكات والمحافظة عليها لاصحابها ،مع ضمان مصالحهم المالية . وعليه لا يسمح لوصي تأجير الممتلكات او نقل ملكيتها للمستوطنين الاسرائيليين . وعلى الرغم من ذلك فان الوصي على املاك الغائبين قام بتأجير بتأجير ونقل ملكية هذه الاراضي . فلقد تم تخصيص الالاف من ال��ونمات لبناء المستوطنات منذ ١٩٦٧ في جميع انحاء الضفة والقدس.

ولقد قامت اسراىيل بادراج اصحاب تلك الاراضي ضمن القائمة السوداء وذلك بحظرهم من دخول البلاد للحيلولة دون وصولهم الى اراضيهم بالكثير من الاحيان.

وتجدر الإشارة الى وجود تعريف اخر اصبح فيما بعد معروف بمصطلح : “الغائبون الحاضرون ” والذي تم الحديث عنه من قبل ملحق جريدة هآآرتس في ٥.١.١٩٩٦ تحت عنوان “هكذا صودرت اراضي العرب” ، وهم اولئك الذين تم ضمهم بعد ايلول ١٩٤٨ من قرى المثلث. وعددهم ٧٥،٠٠.[21]

المناطق المغلقة : وهو اجراء إعلان منطقة ما ب”منطقة مغلقة” ، حيث يسمح للقائد العسكري الاعلان عن اي منطقة او اي مكان بانه “منطقة مغلقة” ، ومنع دخول الاشخاص الذين لم يكونوا متواجدين في المنطقة قبل وقت الاغلاق ، ويترتب على الدخول لهذه المنطقة بدون تصريح عقوبه تصل الى اكثر من ٢٠٠ الف شيكل.

هناك مناطق مغلقة تعتبر مناطق عسكرية خاصة ، وهو مصطلح يستخدم للتعبير عن شريط بعرض حوالي ٤٠٠-١٠٠٠ متر يحيط ببعض المستوطنات . ومنطقة التماس ، وهي المنطقة الواقعة بين الجدار والخط الاخضر .

الاعلان عن اراضي الدولة :

بشكل عام ، مصطلح اراضي الدولة ادى الى بناء معظم المستوطنات المتواجده بالضفة الغربية منذ ١٩٦٧.

كان هناك ما مجموعه ٧٠٠ الف دونم والذي يشكل ١٢٪ من المساحه الكلية للاراضي في الضفة الغربية . ما بين العام ١٩٧٩-١٩٩٢ ،زادت اسرائيل حجم الاراضي المعرفه كأراضي دولة ليبح اكثر من ١.٦ مليون دونم. اي ما يقدر ب ٣٠٪ من مجموع مساحة الاراضي بالضفه الغربية.(باستثناء القدس ) وفي عام ١٩٩٢ توقف الاعلان عن الاراضي كأراضي دولة بشكل مؤقت ليستأنف من جديد عام ١٩٩٦.

واراضي الدوله هي جميع الاراضي التي لم يتم تصنيفها على انها خاصة . وتخضع لفئتين رئيسيتين : قطع الاراضي التي تم تسجيلها رسميا من قبل مالكيها قبل وقف اسرائيل لعملية تسجيل الاراضي في العام ١٩٦٧ (اي ثلث مساحة الضفه الغربية) . وقطع الاراضي التي تم فلاحتها بشكل مستمر ومتواصل من قبل اصحابها ،وبالتالي اسسوا لحالة من الاعتراف القانوني الواقعي لملكيتهم لهذه الاراضي . على الرغم من ذلك تستخدم اسرائيل كذلك القانون العثماني الذي يسمح للدولة الاسرائيلية بمصادرة الاراضي التي لم تتم فلاحتها لمدة ثلاث سنوات .

وعلاوة على ذلك ، ان«ات اسرائيل فئة ثالثة و هي ” الارض الممسوحة” ، والتي تكون محل نزاع او غير واضحة الملكية . وهي حوالي ٤٠٠ الف دونم من اراضي الضفة الغربية . وهي اراضي تدعي اسرائيل اليوم ملكيتها.

هذا النوع من الاراضي منح بكثير من الاحيان للمستوطنات . ولقد تم منع هذا التخصيص من قبل النائب العام سنه ١٩٩٨ .

رخص البناء

رخصة البناء عبارة عن تصريح يخول شخص ما ببناء اي نوع من البناء الدائم على ارضه . ويجب الحصول على رخصة البناء حسب المادة ٣٤ (٤) من قانون التنظيم الاردني ،حيث ان جميع انواع البناء تقريبا –من اقامة مبنى سكني جديد او شق وانشاء طرق جديدة او انشاء مرافق تخزين او حتى اقامة الخيام –تتطلي الحصول على رخصة بناء .

من الناحية الفنية ، يتطلب التقدم بطلب للحصول على رخصة بناء قبل الشروع بالبناء . الا انه من الممكن كذلك التقدم بطلب للحصولع لى رخصة بناء بعد الشروع بالبناء وبعد تسلم امر وقف عمل.

الاساس القانوني لرخصة البناء في الضفة الغربية (المنطقة ج) هو قانون تنظيم المدن والقرى والابنية رقم (٧٩) لسنة ١٩٦٦ ،والذي يستوجب الحصول على رخصة بناء . تنص المادة ٣٤ (١) من قانون التنظيم الاردني على ما يلي : لا يجوز الشروع-ضمن مناطق التنظيم المعلنه في عمل يتطلب القيام به الحصول على رخصة ولا يجوز تنظيم او اعمار ايه ارض او استعمالها استعمالا يتطلب الحصول على رخصة الى ان تصدر رخصه بذلك العمل او التنظيم او الاعمار او الاستعمال . ولا تمنح مثل هذه الرخصة الا اذا كانت مطابقة لهذا القانون والانظمة الصادرة بموجب هذا القانون ومخطط التنظيم الهيكلي والتفصيلي او مخطط التقسيم والاحكام والتعليمات الني تشكل جزء لا يتجزأ منها[22].

وعليه ، فان الرخصة تصدر فقط اذا ما تم تقديم كافة الوثائق الصحيحة واذا ما وجد مخطط تنظيمي موافق عليج يحوي على تعليمات مفصلة كافية .

في معظم الاحوال فان البناء يصبح مستحيل ، لانه واذا اكتملت جميع الوثائق يبقى المخطط التنظيمي الذي من الصعب جدا وضعه وتفصيله . .

التخطيط والتنظيم والبناء الإسرائيلي في القدس (الشرقية) يتخلص على النحو التالي حيث انه يغلب عليه الطابع السياسي اولا بالرغم من اي تقسيم يتبع :

  • تنظيم سياسي- ديموغرافي وذلك بهدف المحافظة على أغلبية يهودية في القدس الشرقية.
  • تنظيم سياسي- جغرافي حيث أن اسرائيل ومن خلال المخططات تحاول تثبيت سيطرتها على القدس (الشرقية والغربية) عاصمة لإسرائيل.
  • تنظيم سياسي- ديني من خلال التركيز على البلدة القديمة ومحيطها.

وتستند حكومة إسرائيل لقانون التنظيم والبناء الإسرائيلي لسنة 1965 حيث أن الأجسام الاسرائيلية الفاعلة في التخطيط هي:

  • حكومة اسرائيل.
  • وزارة الإسكان الإسرائيلية، وهي المحرك الأساسي للمخططات.
  • وزارة السياحة الإسرائيلية.
  • دائرة اراضِ اسرائيل.
  • بلدية القدس، هي المسؤولة عن إصدار التراخيص، تنفيذ أوامر هدم البيوت، المصادقة على المخططات الهيكلية.
  • سلطة الآثار الإسرائيلية، في البلدة القديمة، حيث أنه لا يمكن الحصول على ترخيص بناء بدون الحصول على ترخيص من سلطة الآثار.
  • الجمعيات الإستيطانية، تنقسم الجمعيات الاستيطانية حسب المناطق وكلٌ منها مختص بمنطقة معينة.


هدم البيوت :

منذ ال١٩٦٧ قامت حكومة الاحتلال الإسرائيلي بهدم ما يقارب على ثلاثين ألف وحدة بناء لأسباب تصنف بين عقابية ، إدارية، عسكرية وغير محددة. تصاعد الهدم جاء متوازيا مع زيادة بناء المستعمرات بطريقة مكثفة ومتسارعة منذ اوسلو. فاليوم زاد عدد سكان مستعمرات القدس عن المئتي ألف .

هدم البيوت أصعب وأبشع ما يمكن أن يتعرض له الانسان المقدسي . فبعد مشاهدات كثيرة ورصد العشرات من عمليات الهدم جعلتني أتوقف عن العمل بهذا المجال والتوقف عن دراسته ، استطعت أن أفهم إحدى وسائل التطهير العرقي التي انتهجتها إسرائيل ولا تزال بالكثير من الإصرار والاستمتاع . ففضلا عن الخراب الذي يلحق بهدم البيت على صاحبه ، فإن الحكومة الإسرائيلية تستفيد من هذا النهج. فالمواطن المخالف يدفع قبل الهدم مخالفات للبناء تصل إلى مئات الآلاف من الشواكل في خطوة يظن بها أنه يشتري الوقت ويحصل من خلالها على ترخيص. وتكاليف التراخيص الباهظة التي تتضمن معاملات منهكة والتي من شأنها تدخل قسم التنظيم من مهندسي البلدية في الحصول على أتعاب باهظة في هذا المجال. وهناك المحاكم التي تشمل مخالفات وأحكام وغرامات عالية، ناهيك عن المحامين الذين هم بالأغلب إسرائيليون . ومما يزيد الأمور بطشا وظلما هو أن إجراءات الهدم يدفع ثمنها صاحب البيت من أجرة للآليات إلى الشركات الأمنية المصاحبة للجيش والشرطة خلال عملية الهدم.

هدم البيوت يأتي ضمن سياسة التطهير العرقي التي أطلقها المؤرخ الإسرائيلي إيلان بابيه على السياسة الإسرائيلية تجاه الفلسطينيين منذ قيام إسرائيل. فبين حصار للقدس بجدار فاصل وعازل ، وإحاطتها بجيوب استيطانية تسربت لتصبح في داخل الحارات والبلدات المقدسية ، والتشديد على حقوق المواطنة من تفريق بين أفراد العائلة الواحدة ، والتهديد المستمر بالتجريد من حق البقاء ،ومصادرة الأراضى وتحويل ما تبقى منها إلى شوارع رئيسية لربط المستوطنات بباقي المدن الإسرائيلية، أو حدائق عامة . يبقى هدم البيت كالمنفذ الأخير بالنسبة لهذه السياسة في محاولة التهجير.

مشهد هدم بيتك أمام عينيك ، مع كل حركة تحصل ، مع كل دكة من تلك الآليات في ما كان قبل لحظات المأوى والأمل والحلم . تقف عاجزا وأنت ترى ذكرياتك كلها تهدم ، وتصبح في لحظات ركاما ، كل ما تستطيع عمله هو الاقتراب منه بعد ساعات لترى ما يمكن لملمته من حياة كاملة باتت بلحظات ركام . لتجلس أنت وعائلتك على أنقاض ما كان غرفة جلوس ربما أو غرفة نوم أو مطبخ . ملابسك في مكان ما تحت ذلك الركام . دفاتر وكتب المدرسة ، مذكرات المراهقة التي كانت قبل قليل بجانب سريرها . أسرار كبيرة وصغيرة كنت تظن بأنك تخبؤها في زوايا ما كان خاصا بك ولك .

تنظر حولك وترى ما تبقى من باب أو شباك . تحاول سحب سجادة أو فراش . ملابسك وأطفالك ، مقتنيات سنوات ، أثاث اشتريته بالتقسيط وأردت تزيين منزلك بما هو أفضل للتباهي أمام الجيران والأقارب . تغمض عينيك والمنظر يقتحم كل ما تبقى من ذاكرة تحيا بها . تصم أذنيك وتبقى أصوات دك الآليات تدك في رأسك ، وترعش كل شعرة في جسدك المنهار أمامك بكل ضعف وهوان . تواسي نفسك أم زوجتك أو أبنائك أم جيرانك ؟ أين تذهب ؟ ماذا تفعل؟ أين ستنام وعائلتك الليلة؟ ماذا ستقول لأطفالك عند عودتهم من المدرسة؟ كيف ستنظر إليهم ؟ إلى زوجتك… فلقد خسرت في هذه اللحظات كل ما كان يمكن أن تملكه …وتعجز في هذه اللحظات عن أبسط ما يمكن لرجل العائلة أن يؤمنه …المأوى .. ألأمان..

وسواء كان هذا المنزل المهدم أمامك لجارك أو قريبك أو كنت مشاهدا عابرا لسبيل مثلي ، لابد أن تصلك أنت الرسالة التي يستمر الاحتلال في غرسها بداخلنا . فأنت مهدد أيضا . فإن لم يكن بيتك أنت اليوم ، فهو بالغد القريب دورك. وإن لم يكن دورك بهدم بيتك ، فهناك أمور أخرى يستمر الاحتلال بالتأكيد على أن تصلك … فالموضوع واحد ومستمر : تهجيرك والتخلص منك بأي طريقة أو سبيل ممكن أو غير ممكن . قانوني ،شرعي أم مستبد قصري وجائر . فأنت تعيش في منظومة صممت للتخلص منك بكافة الطرق ، بالأمس، اليوم وغدا .

فهدم البيوت هو السياسة الخاتمة للنهج الإسرائيلي بالنسبة لقضية الاسكان في القدس. فبعد تفريغ الانسان المقدسي وتقويده بشتى الوسائل تعتمد إسرائيل على سياسة هدم البيوت كأداة لهدم ما تبقى من الانسان المقدسي. وهي بذلك تنهج وبقصد الى خلق عملية تهجير مستمرة تنتهي بمشهد الخيمة المتاخمة للبيت المهدوم.

المراجع :

بيتسيلم، مركز المعلومات الإسرائيلي لحقوق الإنسان في الأراضي المحتلة.القدس الشرقيةتاريخ النشر ١.١.٢٠١١. تعديل ٨.٧.٢٠١١.

سياسة التمييز فيما يتعلق بالتنظيم والبناء ومصادرة الأراضي:

[1] قانون املاك الغاائبين


[1] ترجمة غير رسمية لنص قرار محكمة العدل الدولية في شأن جدار الفصل.

بيتسيلم، مركز المعلومات الإسرائيلي لحقوق الإنسان في الأراضي المحتلة.القدس الشرقيةتاريخ النشر ١.١.٢٠١١. تعديل ٨.٧.٢٠١١.

Click to access UNGA_Res_181_A.pdf

ادوارد سعيد ،غزة اريحا سلام امريكي ،الطبعة الثانية ١٩٩٥،دار المستقبل العربي.

اتفاق اوسلو لسنة ١٣\ايلول سبتمبر ١٩٩٣.(ترجمة نص المباديء )

[1] بيتسيلم، مركز المعلومات الإسرائيلي لحقوق الإنسان في الأراضي المحتلة.القدس الشرقيةتاريخ النشر ١.١.٢٠١١. تعديل ٨.٧.٢٠١١.

[2] مئير مارغليت . عضو سابق في بلدية القدس . حديث خاص. ٢٥.١.٢٠١٥

[3] اتفاقية او معاهدة اوسلو .تعرف رسميا باسم : إعلان المبادىء حول ترتيبات الحكم الذاتي الإنتقالي.

[4] ادوارد سعيد ،غزة اريحا سلام امريكي ،الطبعة الثانية ١٩٩٥،دار المستقبل العربي.

[5] اتفاق اوسلو لسنة ١٣\ايلول سبتمبر ١٩٩٣.(ترجمة نص المباديء )

[6] Ibid.

[7] NRC Palestine Report , 2012. Updated, March 2015.



[10] NRC Palestine Report. Ibid.

[11] النص الانجليزي حذفت من ترجمته ال التعريف في كلمة الاراضي ، وذلك محافظة على الغموض في تفسير القرار .

[12] قرار مجلس الأمن التابع للأمم المتحدة ،نوفمبر ٢٢،١٩٦٧.


[14] ترجمة غير رسمية لنص قرار محكمة العدل الدولية في شأن جدار الفصل.


[16] NRC Report ,Ibid

[17] Ibid

[18] Ibid

[19] سياسة التمييز فيما يتعلق بالتنظيم والبناء ومصادرة الأراضي:

[20] قانون املاك الغاائبين


[22] Ibid

Presentation, 2014

Peace Building under Occupation : peace as a value vs education for peace

The ongoing conflict is about occupation; a nation/state occupying another nation.

It is not about if the Israelis have a historical right or if they are the same ancestors of Moses or Abraham.

It is not about if the holocaust took place or didn’t.

Israel has managed to drive us out of the context of the conflict into making it a historical debate, that doesn’t concern the situation mainly.

And instead of fighting for our rights in ending occupation, we got entangled in proving our right in living in our own country , and denying or undermining irrelevant historical occurrences to our issue.

The fact that the Israelis /Jews were in the country 2000 or 5000 years ago, or the fact that millions were massacred doesn’t disempower our position.

If they have a right of a Homeland after 2000 years then we have more chances of a Homeland after 60 years.

The fact that they were expelled and massacred doesn’t mean that they should expel other nations and kill them.

I believe in the pedagogy of the oppressed as a design of a future education.

In order to build peace we need to build peace for us first.

Israel can only discuss peace with us when we are in full awareness and tolerance towards our strengths and our confrontations with our weaknesses.

Our strengths are made as well out of the shortcoming of history towards the Israelis.

Israel after all behaves (claims) towards itself as a democracy, and human rights are major in their approach. The moment we Palestinians start sounding like humans towards them they will start acknowledging their shortcomings towards us.

The only time we Palestinians can face the Israelis is when we can understand their background , their fear , their insecure areas. When we can admit that history also treated them unfairly.

In order to make them see us as (fellow) human beings, as equal human beings we need to see them as human beings as well.

In order to defeat them, we need to understand them. We need to analyze them in and out. We need to try to put ourselves in their place. We need to get to their mindsets .

We also need to understand ourselves properly. What happened, and where and why did things go wrong. Who is accountable to our situation.

We need to define our dictionary of concepts, ( peace, resistance, struggle, Terror,…) and learn when and how to use them .

We need to unite our discourse, not only in blaming the occupation , but in defining our cause .

The liberation of the oppressed is a liberation of women and men, not things. Accordingly while no one liberates himself by his own efforts alone, neither is he liberated by others. Liberation, a human phenomenon, cannot be achieved by semihumans.

(Paulo Freire)

 Peace and Occupation are two notions that cannot live in harmony together. In order to find peace, one needs to be liberated first .

The most successful liberation acts all along history, are those that started from liberating their own people.

The course of liberation is found when we begin as a nation to acknowledge our environs, to divulge our own errors, to fray self-depreciation, to comprehend that liberation does not come through a revolution of forces, but through tolerance, self-awareness, education and peace-building that includes mutual understanding and justice.

As long as we remain unaware of the causes of our condition, we fatalistically “accept” our exploitation.

Changing society starts by changing individuals, so that they could struggle to bring about social changes .

People are not fully free until they are in a struggle for justice.

Ending the occupation is a social act, not just a political one. Our politicians can never proceed as long as we as a nation are occupied from within.

Peace will start the instant we are able to liberate ourselves from

the cultural, tribal, ethnic occupation that has occupied our minds and hearts and prevented us from even facing our reality.

We can never grow to become a liberated nation as long as we are prejudiced to our gender issues, as long as we are wedged with our tribal thinking, as long as we are intolerant , as long as we don’t address children as future leaders and women as equals.

Ending the Occupation starts when our people start nourishing themselves into a more tolerant, educated, liberal, knowledgeable, self-aware nation.


The struggle begins with men and women’s recognition that they have been destroyed. Propaganda, management, manipulation — all arms of domination — cannot be the instruments of their re-humanization. The only effective instrument is a humanizing pedagogy in which the revolutionary leadership establishes a permanent relationship of dialogue with the oppressed. (Paulo Freire)

Times of Changes in the Mediterranean: The Arab Spring and Israel.

Madrid 2010
Civil societies, political changes, and democratic processes
—  The Arab Spring is an ongoing and deeply significant process occurring in the Middle East that in the future will have important implications not just for the Arab world and the region, but on the entire world.
—  When the first popular demonstrations broke out in Tunisia and Egypt, Palestinians showed solidarity and claimed their demands for democracy and equality.
—  The Arab revolution, however, inspired hopes and beliefs in the younger generation that they can be the masters of their future. This was no longer a dream or fantasy. It was a reality being witnessed everyday in different Arab countries, with masses willing to fight for their own liberation.
—  The Arab world has lived for decades under suppression, with dreams and aspirations stolen by their tyrant governments and totalitarian regimes. These ‘leaders’ represented an image that was disconnected from the lives of their people.
—  This massive union of Arab nations for one simple call for freedom and human dignity was so genuine and so desperately needed that for the first time in the long history of cries for jihad and martyrdom, the Arab people found a real reason for sacrifice… FREEDOM .
—  In the Palestinian case, We are the only Arab people without a state. Palestinian society, physically divided as it is, faces a variety of different challenges including settler colonialism, a stifling siege, national and racial discrimination, refugee status, and moreover a surreptitious totalitarian rule that is marked by a vicious split and fragmentation amongst the two ruling parties. This split has resulted in the absence of legislative and executive institutions and divided the national movement.
—  The Arab Spring of the Tunisian, Egyptian, Yemenite, Libyan, Syrian… kind does not only have implications for the Israeli occupation. It might also overturn the corrupt and authoritarian Palestinian leadership, whether the fundamentalist Hamas or the secular nationalist Fateh. Palestinians have not been well served by their leaders, who have been far too little interested in democracy and peaceful protest.
—  However, the national cause remains inseparable from the democratic imperative. Since Oslo Agreements the institutions of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) have been demoted and efficiently submerged by the Palestinian Authority (PA).
—  Meanwhile, the PLO’s sectoral and professional associations – the trade unions and other organizations of students, women, workers, engineers, teachers, writers and journalists, among others – have gradually lost the role they used to play in engaging all parts of the Palestinian people in the national struggle for liberation. The institutions and mechanisms that used to connect the Palestinian national movement to the Palestinian population in the 1970s and 1980s have gradually eroded. The result has been the fraying of the textile that used to connect the struggle for national, democratic and human rights.
— We can summarize the major reasons that were the cause of the transformation of this mass movement as Dr. Hanan Ashrawi, PLO member describes it:
— Demographic trends: A demographic phenomenon is known as the “youth bulge” produced a large generation of socially conscious and politically frustrated young people who had grown increasingly impatient with the authoritarian regimes.
— Blatant corruption: Increased scrutiny from the media and civil society exposed the blatant corruption and injustice of totalitarian undemocratic regimes that used the backing of international sponsors to repress their people.
— Indignity and humiliation: For decades, the dignity of Arab citizens had been insulted by leaders who monopolized political power and perpetrated glaring human rights abuses. Equally humiliating was the inability of Arab states to confront Israel’s occupation of Palestine. The uprisings that erupted in January were largely driven by demands for human dignity and self-respect.
— Israel’slegitimacycrisis: Democratic movements in the Arab world have “exposed Israel’s undemocratic agenda,” For decades, Israel derived international support and legitimacy by claiming to be a lone democracy surrounded by hostile, authoritarian enemies. However, when protests broke out in Egypt, Israel urged the United States to protect Mubarak’s embattled regime, proving that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is committed to preserving the regional status quo at all costs, and is deeply opposed to the removal of authoritarian leaders with whom he has cultivated alliances. As the hypocrisy of Israel’s position becomes increasingly apparent, it will be made more difficult for its government to “maintain a system of domination that has no place in the contemporary realities of the Arab world.”
The Implication of the Arab Spring on Palestinians
— For the first time in decades, the Palestinians are observing other Arab countries and other populations rising, and they remained relatively inactive for some time. There was a sense that they too want to join this movement, and that they are learning the advantages of nonviolent popular protests. When Palestinians have risen in the past, it took the form of acts of violence against the occupation. The Arab Spring helped Palestinians learn that there are other ways of effective courses of action that don’t involve violence.
Youth movement
—  Palestinian youth started to ask how the popular democratic uprisings in Arab countries can inform their national struggle. They launched the first intifada in 1987 and fueled the second intifada in 2000, and they now believe they can have a role to play in the Arab youth uprisings calling for democratic changes. Palestinian political and civil society organizations also started seeking answers to this question.
—  The Revolutions proved that there’s a youth movement and that it is the youth that can force change. The masses of young people in the different Arab Freedom Squares gave back the belief that there is still hope, and that youth, only youth, can make the change.
—  Palestinian activists started examining the Arab Spring to bring new energy and methods to their struggle against Occupation.
—  Palestinians on all levels reached a stage where they became exhausted and hopeless about the fight of the past 20 years. It has been a dual failure of diplomacy and negotiations. It has been nearly two decades since the Oslo agreements were signed, and the Palestinians still don’t have their independence or their state. Talks in the last two years resulted in greater distrust, not less distrust, and further setbacks. It has also been a failure of the resistance strategy. So you have young people who are looking and saying, “Neither of the ways that our leaders have promoted has gotten us anywhere closer to where we want to be. Our living conditions are not particularly good. We are still under occupation. We still are divided between Gaza and the West Bank. So it is time for something new.”
Major Events and Frustrations that have pressured the PA towards change
—  The publication of the Palestine Papers from Al Jazeera, the secret records of the last fruitless round of talks with Israel. The Palestinian Authority found itself losing what little authority it had left.
—  The loss to the Palestinian president, Abu Mazen, of his closest allies Hosni Mubarak and Omar Suleiman, which made Gaza a more vulnerable place for the PA.
—  Abu Mazen’s faith in Barack Obama finally cracked. For a man who dedicated his career to the creation of a Palestinian state through negotiation, the turning point came when the US vetoed a UN resolution condemning Israel’s settlement-building and threatened a new one at the Security Council whether a vote comes on the Palestinian Statehood bid
The sequence of relevant events in Palestine during the Arab Spring:
March 15th, 2011
—  Using shared grievances to unite and ignite resistance a group dubbed the “March 15′′ movement has capitalized on the symbolic national dates to articulate their plight.
—  The movement’s strategy has been based on using symbolic dates to rally around, and then using any fallout, mainly a disproportionate violent reaction from the Israeli military, to mobilize support for the next date. This approach is based on the understanding that Israel will respond to protests in an aggressive way.
—  This date-specific approach has been borrowed from the anti-wall campaign in West Bank border villages such as Bil’in, a symbol of our resistance against the separation wall. An alternative to the armed struggle component of the second intifada, anti-wall demonstrations gained international media attention and modest successes in their efforts to reclaim lands annexed by Israel.
—  Connecting these fronts has required the concept of inclusion, representation and a program based on freedom through a shared, indivisible political future.
Bilin, Nabi Saleh,
—  Bilin is a village of about 1,700 people west of Ramallah. Every Friday after prayers for the last six years, a group of about a hundred people – villagers, international activists and radical Israelis – have marched to an electrified section of the security fence which cuts Bilin off from much of its farmland. Bilin’s struggle is beginning to achieve results: in late June – four years after Israel’s Supreme Court ruled that the electric fence have to be moved – the IOF started to dismantle parts of it, though much of the village’s land will remain on the Israeli side of the border.
—  This has, therefore, become a successful model for civil society and politicians as well since the Arab Spring started.
Dead end to negotiation
— Abbas has realized that negotiations can go nowhere so long as Israel refuses to reach a deal based on 1967 borders and stop the policy of extending Israeli settlements both in West Bank and East Jerusalem. Having withdrawn from negotiations, the PLO’s plan was to pursue a long-term strategy of not- violent resistance on two parallel tracks: mass protests in villages and at checkpoints; and diplomatic and economic pressure tactics such as the statehood declaration at the UN and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign, a movement launched in 2005 by a broad coalition of Palestinian NGOs in the West Bank.
Finally, a clear Palestinian vision
—  Statehood is a tactic, not a goal. The struggle to end injustice is gaining momentum. Palestinian officials do not want to waste all the sharp gains that have been achieved in the last 40 years. If the two-state solution materializes, Palestinians will accept it. If it does not, there is a willingness to move to a different strategy. In any case, the strategic objective is not two states or one state, but to end the occupation, to ensure that the right of return of refugees is implemented, and to establish equal rights for the Palestinian citizens of Israel (so called the Arab Israelis).
—  Whether these objectives are achieved in one state, or two states, or a nonstate, doesn’t matter to most Palestinians. Palestinians may not be strong enough yet to realize their objectives, but at least they can block the Israelis from achieving theirs. We have options. The most dangerous option is to dissolve the PA, but there are also other means that can be resorted to, such as withdrawing security co-operation or transforming the PA into a resistance authority.
— The Arab spring seemed to have had a core impact in the form of a draft agreement between Fatah and Hamas which took everyone by surprise. After four years of bitter and violent conflict between the rivals, Fatah announced that it has agreed to all of Hamas’s political conditions to form a national unity government. (However, this reconciliation agreement has not been formalized until; this moment)
Commemorating ‘Nakba’ or ‘The Catastrophe’ 18 May
—  The idea of return for the five millions of refugees is connected to melancholy for the Palestine lost in 1948, and sharpened by Israel’s rejection to allow for the creation of a state on the 1967 borders.
—  Generations of Palestinian refugees living in refugee camps in Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan have been paying close attention as their fellow Arabs have risen against corrupt and oppressive leaders, as have those living in Gaza, the West Bank and Israel. On May 15, Palestinians launched their movement with a symbolic enactment of the return to Palestine. They marched from every corner of the Palestinian world, in a tech-savvy, coordinated campaign in what looked like a Palestinian version of the Arab Spring.
—  The event’s organizers chose to emphasize collective action, rather than the collective sorrow that has tended to mark the date in previous years.
—  In a symbolic reversal of the flow of people forced to flee Zionist violence in 1948, as many as 40,000 people gathered in the southern Lebanese town in Maroun al-Ras, which lies within walking distance of the boundary with Israel.
—  In Syria, protesters managed to break through the fence near the Druze city of Majdal Shams.
—  After more than 100 Palestinians breached Israel’s border with Syria on Sunday, May 15 2011, knocking down a fence and striding into a village in the Golan Heights, overmatched Israeli security forces scrambled to glean what they could from the protesters who had just, without so much as a sidearm, penetrated farther into the country than any army in a generation.
—  Under close questioning, the infiltrators closed the intelligence gap with a shrug and one word: Facebook. The operation that had caught Israel’s vaunted military and information complex flat-footed was announced, nursed and triggered on the social-networking site that has figured in every uprising around the Arab world — and is helping young Palestinians change the terms of their fight against Israel.
Commemorating ‘Nakba’ or ‘The Catastrophe’ 18 May
—  The converging of thousands of Palestinians on Israel’s borders was a clear sign that they have lost faith in American promises—and that if Israel and the U.S. do not work toward a Palestinian state based on 1967 lines, others will seize the initiative in shaping the Middle East. Something fundamental has changed. Americans and others can no longer plan and create reality; they are no more the shapers of history in the Middle East.
—  The technology Palestinians used to co-ordinate their movements exploited an Israeli weakness. The military was totally unprepared for the border crossings, because the upper echelons of Israeli intelligence have an institutional bias for secret information acquired through spies, collaborators, prisoners and phone taps, and tend to discount what is publicly available.
—  The West Bank has yet to see a movement on this level. If and when that does occur, it could be a “game changer” for Israel and the United States.
—  This day was the start of the making of a new narrative. The Palestinians in Syria, Lebanon, Gaza and the occupied Palestinian enclaves of the West Bank approached Israeli gun positions without arms of their own.
Nakseh, June
—  On June 5, 2011, when Palestinian protesters tried to march from Ramallah to Jerusalem in observation of the 44th anniversary of Israel’s 1967 occupation, they were sent rushing amidst clouds of Israeli tear gas and a hail of rubber bullets. Hours later on the Syrian border, Israeli soldiers responded to a separate demonstration by killing 23 unarmed Palestinian refugees who were also trying to exercise their right of return.
—  Both of these incidents illustrate an often overlooked component of the Arab Spring: as Israel stands forcefully to oppose Palestinian rights, Palestinian unity is deepening. Moreover, as the wave of uprisings demanding freedom and equality sweep the Middle East, the struggle for unity has brought the Arab Spring to the Palestinians’ door.
—  The events of June 5 reaffirmed the fronts, tactics, and demands of the Palestinian Spring, but may ultimately fail to build upon the momentum gained in the streets or successfully build on past responses to repression
—  Using mass protest and direct action to demand their freedoms, Palestinians are collectively using a resistance strategy championed by a handful of West Bank border villages.
The Flotilla
—  The second international Gaza flotilla following the first one organized at the end of May 2010– was set to sail at the end of June 2011– it could have provided an opportunity to break this pattern before it sets in.
—  If the flotilla managed to break the Israeli siege and reach the shores of Gaza, it would have been being the first meeting between the international Palestinian solidarity movement and the Arab Spring, a meeting that would have added a new dimension to the unity struggle. However, it was stopped, and it was a clear military statement by Israel of its current commitment to Palestinian division, generating new grievances to mobilize with.
—  The flotilla provided Palestinians with a context similar to the March 15 protests, whereby setting the terms of the showdown, Palestinians would have the chance to dictate politics and announce their demands.
—  There have been some small Palestinian demonstrations in the West Bank against the corruption of the Fateh-dominated Palestine Authority, but these were quickly broken up.
—  However, Marwan Barghouti sent out a message from his cell with an idea of combining the diplomatic push at the UN with public demonstrations.
A Rally to September
—  Now some national, regional, and international issues are intersecting in a way which will make an uprising by the Palestinians and a confrontation with Israel almost unavoidable.
—  In September, the PA applied to join the UN as a member state. While the vote will be largely symbolic, it will force the issue of the continuing occupation of Palestine by Israel. If the vote passes, it could embolden the Palestinian National-Liberation Movement.
—  If it fails, it will engage tens of thousands who will rightly see the vote’s failure as a result of US political and economic bullying on behalf of Israel, as well as a clear view of the world’s insincerity.
—  With a Palestinian movement emboldened by the UN vote, and with Israel hemmed in by Egypt, Turkey, and Syria, and dealing with its mass-protest movement, the autumn looks like we will see the struggles of the Arab Spring arrive in Palestine with full force.
—  Having Palestine recognized as a state in which Palestinians have citizenship is important, and is probably a prerequisite for any real peace process. Most Palestinians outside of Jordan at the moment are stateless.
—  They lack citizenship in any state that can protect their rights. This condition of lacking so much as a passport, or the right to own property robs them of any real legal standing.
—  Without citizenship, you are permanently caught in a desperate situation. Which is what the Palestinians are.
—  The Israelis have treaty obligations to the Palestinians as a result of the Oslo process but have reneged on virtually all of them. They have not only failed to return control of the West Bank to the Palestinians but have settled hundreds of thousands of Israelis on Palestinian land since 1993.
—  The Israelis, therefore, do not now and have never had any legal claim to the West Bank regarding contemporary international law. They continue to occupy 4 million statelessPalestinians, some of them refugees whose families were chased out of what is now Israel and who have never received a penny in compensation.
—  By being recognized as a member by most of UN members, Palestine will gain some badly-needed legal standing to oppose the illegal action of Israeli settlers. They may even gain standing in some countries to sue settler companies with accounts abroad. They will be in a better position to pursue international sanctions and boycotts on Israeli squatters.
—  The benefits of a majority United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) voted for Palestine, in case we will not pass the Security Council scrutiny, won’t include a real state. It is more about giving the Palestinians standing, as they wind their way to some classic, humane status other than their current degradation at the hands of strangers in their land.
—  Using mass rallies of the kind seen in the Arab Spring to draw the world’s attention to the plight of the stateless Palestinians just before the UNGA vote could increase the support.
—  President Abbas stood before Ramallah crowds after coming back from the UN in September 2011, commending a “Palestinian spring.”
—  For years, Abbas was seen as too gray and technocratic and too close to Israel and America. No more.
—  “Hold your heads up; you are Palestinians,” he said.
—  In one motion Abbas managed to hijack the word “spring” from the rest of the Middle East.
After September, Palestinian Autumn?
—  Addressing the parliamentary assembly of the 47-nation Council of Europe, President Abbas called on Europe to back the “Palestinian Spring” by supporting his government’s bid to win a place at the United Nations.
—  “Today we are at the heart of the Arab Spring: we say that the hour of the Palestinian Spring has struck.”
—  “You supported the Arab spring which was seeking democracy and freedom.”
—  “Now the Palestinian Spring has arrived, asking for freedom and an end to the occupation. We deserve your support.”

“Though there were many attempts at provocation by the Israeli side, we will not let them drive us to extremism; we will not go that way,” Abbas said.

Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989, Americans declared superiority over the world. Later Saddam Hussein was thrashed in the Gulf War.

Throughout the 1990s, the Arab world has been an obedient recipient to the American globalization by all forms; technology, economics, investment. During this time the message was
Clear: We make the rules; you play by them.

That world is gone. America and Israel are no longer driving history in the Middle East; for the first time in a long time, Arabs are.

The Palestinians no longer listen to functionaries like George Mitchell. They have lost faith in American promises, and they no longer fear American threats. Instead, they are putting aside their internal divisions and creating facts on the ground
In conclusion
—  The young Palestinians do not seem as pragmatic as all that; they are somewhere beyond wildly idealistic. “The goal is to liberate the minds of our people,” We want to get past all the old identities—Fatah, Hamas, religious, secular, Israeli and Palestinian Arab —and create a mass nonviolent movement.”
—  The current political plan is to go back to the future—to achieve Palestinian unity by resurrecting and holding elections for our Parliament, the Palestinian National Council, which took a backseat after the Oslo accords.
—  Ever since Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, the Palestinian national movement has been defined by terrorism, intransigence and, until recently in the West Bank, corruption.
—  Israeli officials acknowledge that the recent, peaceful economic and security reforms led by Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad have been the most effective tactics the Palestinians have ever used in trying to create a state. However, they have not gotten the Palestinians anywhere in their negotiations with the equally intransigent Israeli government.
—  Jewish settlements continue to expand on Palestinian land.
—  A mass nonviolent movement might tip the balance, especially if the world —including the Israeli public —began to see Palestinians as good practitioners of passive resistance rather than as suicide bombers.
—  The Facebook rebels may have more influence on the suddenly old Islamists than vice versa.
—  The rush of history is in the region. The young activists were preoccupied with the chimera of Palestinian unity, but now they have turned their full attention to the occupation.
—  The statehood declaration matters to the leadership, which wants the fruits of diplomatic recognition, and hopes to sell that recognition as a victory for the national cause.
—  The Palestinian push for a U.N. resolution recognizing statehood, the attempts between Fatah and Hamas to form a unity government, and how the Arab Spring has affected — and will continue to affect — the Israeli- Palestinian conflict.
—  As both Israel and Palestinians are celebrating in the last few days prisoners exchange, and event that managed to take the focus of the whole world, towards the swap with a Netanyahu\Hamas achievement.
—  Both sides using the vast masses of all society into a shared positive humanitarian emotion of freedom.
—  Even though it is a hundred percent political move, probably got both Hamas and Israel to unite in their interest against the recent popularity Abbas has been harvesting after the UN call for a State. One cannot deny that if Abbas did not manage the huge mobilizing of the people and the world, this swap deal would have never taken place. Moreover, hence, it is clear that Abbas’s recent move has been a direct result of the Arab Spring.

The Agreement between the Vatican and Israel:

Historical Background:

Theodore Herzl met with Pope Pius X in 1904 and asked the Roman Church to support Jewish aspirations for a return to their traditional homeland in Israel. The pope was blunt. “The Jews have not recognized our Lord. Therefore we cannot recognize the Jewish people.”

For practical purposes, that is where matters stood between the Vatican and Israel for 99 years. The United Nations partition of Palestine garnered Vatican approval only because Jerusalem would remain under international control.

Despite the recognition of most of the world to Israel after 1948,to the Vatican, however, it seemed that no recognition of Israel would be possible unless three issues were resolved: Israel’s borders must be solidified; Jerusalem’s status must be settled; Catholics living in Arab countries must be protected against backlash from any deal with Israel.

In 1992, the Vatican and Israel agreed to recognize. Negotiators set to work to hammer out terms of recognition. They prepared a text in Hebrew and English. On December 30, 1993, the Vatican and Israel signed the Fundamental Agreement Between the Holy See and the State of Israel.

Logistic preparation:

It was decided on 29 July 1992 to establish a “Bilateral Permanent Working Commission”, in order to study and define together issues of common interest, and in view of normalizing their relations; and upon that, an agreement was decided to provide a sound and lasting basis for the continued development of their present and future relations and the furtherance of the Commission’s task,

Place of signature:

Signed in Jerusalem, 13 December 1993.


The Agreement involved three relationships.

The normalization of relations between the Holy See and the State of Israel that led to the exchange of Ambassadors four months later.
As the Preamble of the Agreement indicates, the accord took place within the wider context of Catholic-Jewish reconciliation on which it undoubtedly had a profoundly positive impact in turn. Indeed, for many Jews especially in Israel, the diplomatic normalization served as testimony and proof of the genuineness of the transformation in religious attitudes and teaching that had taken place over the previous decades.
The relationship between the Catholic Church in Israel and the State.
The juridical agreement gave legal recognition to the Church’s internal structure, strengthening her control of her institutions in Israel.

While the Church’s institutions and communities in Israel are indeed subject to the laws of Israel, they nevertheless derive their inherent authority and structure from Rome. The Vatican sought to have this structure and its authority recognized as such by the State of Israel – which is a historic achievement for the Catholic Church. In effect, this agreement concerning the Church’s legal status is recognition on the part of the Israel of the Holy See’s old standing and an inherent stake in the Holy Land. The Vatican insists that nothing in its agreements with Israel should be interpreted as taking a position on unresolved borders, let alone on the future of Jerusalem, which is a matter of dispute between Israel and the Palestinians. One cannot but be struck by the significance of it registering these institutions under Israeli law and sovereignty.

The very fact that the Holy See has done so raises questions about some of the other positions of the Vatican, not least of all its call for “international guarantees concerning the future of religious rights and freedoms in Jerusalem. This itself is a change from the former position of the Holy See supporting the internationalization of the city. However, normalizing relations between the two and confirming Israel’s commitment to religious freedom, the protection of the holy sites, and the legal ‘status quo’ governing them; the question of whether Israel is a reliable partner or not is aroused.

Hence, the Vatican’s call for international guarantees is not merely the result of a lack of trust in Israel, but it has obtained a significant achievement in Israel’s acknowledgment of its original status and stake in the Holy Land.

By getting the signatures of all possible interested parties to the future of Jerusalem on the principle of religious freedom and respect for the aforementioned ‘status quo,’ the Vatican could obtain the extra legal protection for its interests, should any part of Jerusalem come under the rule of anyone other than Israel. In effect, the call for “international guarantees” appears to reflect a shrewd policy of the Vatican for any eventuality by which Israel is not in control of areas of “strategic interest” to the Catholic Church. However, the content of the agreement between the Holy See and Israel on the legal status of Church personality may certainly be seen as a vote of confidence in Israel on the part of the Vatican.

One of the most important ways in which this change, while there has been a little of this on a cultural level, there could and should be much more collaboration, cultural, educational and interreligious. Not least of all in this regard is the profound commitment in the Fundamental Agreement of the Holy See to join with the State of Israel in the actual combat of anti-Semitism as well as other bigotry throughout the world.


Agreement between the Vatican and the PLO



Historical Background:

The agreement came after the Palestinians recently expressed concern about new housing in and around the Holy City’s eastern half, which Israel captured in the 1967 Middle East War.

The agreement was the most significant development in PLO-Vatican relations since formal ties were established in 1994.

Logistic preparation:

Place of signature:

Signed in the Vatican, fifteenth of February, 2000


The “Basic Agreement Between the Holy See and the PLO dealt with the following matters:

Freedom of religion
Human rights
Freedom of church institutions and their legal, economic and fiscal status in Palestinian-ruled areas.
About a third of the agreement dealt with the issue of Jerusalem.
The agreement said, “An equitable solution for the issue of Jerusalem, based on international resolutions, is fundamental for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.”
It also mentioned, “unilateral decisions and actions altering the specific character and status of Jerusalem are morally and legally unacceptable.”
It called for “a special statute for Jerusalem, internationally agreed” to safeguard “the proper identity and sacred character of the city and defend its universally significant religious and cultural heritage.”
Israel Reaction:

The immediate reaction from Israel was that:” any unilateral decisions affecting Jerusalem were “morally and legally unacceptable, and considered the agreement as an interference in the negotiations between Israel and Palestinians.”





Legal Aspects



Private Security Companies that are hired to Protect Settlers in Jerusalem.

General situation on checkpoints:

In 2003, Israel state comptroller published a report urging the development of an overall strategy for checkpoint administration. But only in 2005, when the comptroller began working on a follow-up report, did the cabinet finally decide to set up the Crossing Administration. It also decided to replace the soldiers at these checkpoints with private security companies answerable to the Defense Ministry.

On that occasion, a Defense Ministry unit in the Israeli Government was set up to oversee checkpoints between Israel and the West Bank. However, these checkpoints are still run by different agencies, and no single body coordinates their work.

The agencies running the checkpoints include:

– the Israel Defense Forces,

-the Defense Ministry’s Crossing Administration,

– the Border Police

– the regular police.

-the Counterterrorism Bureau,

the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories,

the Crossing Administration

and the IDF Central Command.

Adding to the confusion is the fact that two different bodies are responsible for each checkpoint:

One is in charge of operating it, while the other is responsible for security.

A large number of new checkpoints were set up around the outskirts of Jerusalem following the Israeli cabinet’s decision to build the separation fence. All of these fall under the purview of the Jerusalem police, which set up a special administration to deal with them.

Taking a look at the checkpoints around Jerusalem an observer can notice that each organization involved sends representatives to every checkpoint. Thus military policemen stand alongside civilian security guards, Border Police officers, representatives of the special police administration and COGAT staff.

Unlike checkpoints within the West Bank, which are all operated by the military or the Border Police, checkpoints on the Green Line, which separates Israel from the West Bank, deal exclusively with Palestinians seeking to enter Israel. They are positioned at every crossing from the West Bank into Israel and are under the purview of the defense minister, who, together with his staff, is the one determines their location, size and operating procedures, the number of people allowed through, and so on.

In addition to the minister, three other organizations have responsibilities in this area, but are not connected to each other.

The first is COGAT[i], headed by Brig. Gen. Eitan Dangot, who answers directly to the minister. COGAT’s main component is the Civil Administration, which answers both to Dangot and to the GOC Central Command.

The second is the Crossing Administration, which is mainly an operational body, but can occasionally influence policy. The third is the Defense Ministry’s political-security department, which deals with issues affected by the checkpoints, such as the West Bank economy.
The third and alongside these agencies, which fall under the Defense Ministry, is the Counterterrorism Bureau, which is part of the Prime Minister’s Office.
For instance; at the Tarqumiya[ii] checkpoint, the body responsible for security is the Defense Ministry, but the actual operator is a private security contractor.

In Shuafat, the organization in charge of security is the Jerusalem police, but the operator is the Border Police.

At the Rachel Terminal checkpoint by the regular police is the operating body, while the nearby Wallaja checkpoint, which is closed to Palestinians, is run by the Border Police.[iii]


Jerusalem Security Companies:

The security company is hired by the Ministry of Housing , through a public tender.

This year the tender was won by a company called Modin Ezrahi .

The Housing Ministry role increased in Settlements inside Jerusalem ever since Ariel Sharon took the portfolio of this Ministry, and hence, the Housing Ministry was responsible for the security budget of the settlers.

Some of the settlements are considered “preferred area A” by the Housing Ministry, thus qualifying them for a wide range of benefits. The Housing Ministry’s list of “preferred area A” communities is not publicly available.

An article published by Jerusalem Post Newspaper in June 2009[iv] ,shed the lights over the details of the Peace Now report figures and numbers concerning security forces assigned for Jerusalem settlements. According to the article, Israeli government funding allocated to a private security firm tasked with protecting Jewish residents in Arab neighborhoods of East Jerusalem has more than doubled over the last 10 years, and now exceeds NIS 54 million.

The report in which the article based its information from, details a steady rise in the costs for permanent guards at the homes of the more than 2,000 Jewish residents in the area, tight security escorts and in some places transportation. These services are provided by some 350 private guards at 66 different locations, in neighborhoods like the Old City’s Muslim Quarter and Silwan.

The latest figures show a NIS 7 million increase from 2008, when security expenditures in east Jerusalem reached NIS 47.8 million, and an increase of NIS 14 million from 2007, when the budget was set at NIS 40 million.
In 1999, the Construction and Housing Ministry’s budget for security in the area was NIS 24.9 million.

The rise for allocating extra budget for the security has been increasing remarkably in the last decade. “The Israeli Knesset has allocated an additional NIS 5 million for the protection of Israeli settlers in the Muslim quarter of Jerusalem’s Old City and the Ras Amud neighborhood of East Jerusalem. The bonus brings the total cost of guarding 3,000 settlers in East Jerusalem to nearly $4 million per year. The money is paid to private security companies.”[v]

In a deeper examination , the Peace Now report of the 2009-2010 state budget shows that nearly 1 billion shekels are explicitly designated for the settlements each year. This includes only special budget items for the settlements, without the general items where budgetary expenses involving the settlements are hidden.

In the list of the explicit expenses, the Housing Ministry pays the Security in East Jerusalem, for a total of NIS 54.54 million a year.[vi]

The settlers in the middle of the Palestinian neighborhoods in East Jerusalem receive close, 24-hour a day security protection provided by a private company at the expense of the taxpayers.

As for other settlements in Jerusalem , the budget [vii] concerning security by the Ministry of Housing is as follows:

  • Maale Adumim – NIS 76.84 million a year to develop neighborhood 07, in which 3100 housing units were built. The last hundreds of housing units in the project are currently being built.
  • Har Homa – NIS 107.84 million a year to develop the Har Homa neighborhood in East Jerusalem, to build 240 housing units in 2009, and another 907 housing units in 2010.[viii]


The Security Company:

Group “Intelligence citizens ” “Modiin Ezrahi” was established in 1963 is one of the oldest and largest companies operating in Israel in security and information security, hidden cameras focus services and electronic alarm , secure courier , transporting valuables money and diamonds . Company layout is done throughout the country through branches from Eilat in the south to Nahariya in the North.[ix]

Customers of Modiin Ezrahi :

Elbit , IBM , Israel Police, Tel Aviv Museum , Jerusalem Museum , Ministry of Defence , Prime Minister’s Office , Ministry of Finance , Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Housing , Ministry of Justice , Ministry of Communications, Ministry of Science , Ministry of Health , Ministry of Transport , Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Commerce , Institute for Biological Research , Institute for Nuclear Research , Co Op – Blue Square , the Israeli Knesset , Economic Services , the nation’s buildings , Municipality of Ra’anana, Tel Aviv Municipality , general health services – hospitals : ( Beilinson , Sharon , Geha , Rebecca , Levinstein , Caramel, Shlcta , Wolpon ) , Maccabi Health Fund , Vichy , University of Haifa , Israel Ports Authority – Port of Eilat , the security of Jewish residents in the old city , border crossings .

End Notes

[i] The Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (or COGAT) is a unit in the Israeli Ministry of Defense that engages in coordinating civilian issues between the Government of Israel, the Israel Defense Forces, international organizations, diplomats, and the Palestinian Authority.

[ii] Tarqumya Crossing (north-west of Hebron).

[iii]Haaretz , Chaim Levinson, published 12.11.10.

[iv] Jerusalem Post: “Private security costs in e. J’lem double in a decade” Jun. 30, 2009

[v] Jerusalem Chronology,February 2003

[vi] (item 706914 in the budget)

[vii] for a law



Coventry University
Center for Peace and Reconciliation Studies
Pg Cert.
Conflict Resolutions skills


Nadia Harhash

Presented to
Professor Andrew Rigby

24 December 2008

I. Introduction 2
II. Background: Demolitions and Expulsion 4
III. Israeli Justifications for Demolitions 7
IV. The Need for Building Permits 9
V. Demolitions under International Law 10
VI. Setting of Demolitions 11
VI. 2. Demolition Orders 11 VI. 2. Milieu of demolition: 14
VII. Impact of Demolitions 15
VII.1. Social Impact 16 VII. 2. Economic Impact 17 VII. 3. Psychological impact 18
VII. 4. The Impact of Demolition on Education 21
VII. 5. The Impact of Direct Military Action (in demolitions)
On Women 23
VIII. Structural Effects: The Effects and Links of Various Systems
On Women 24

IX. Conclusion 26
References 29

Effects of House Demolition on Palestinian Women
I. Introduction
This essay explores the different impacts of house demolition carried out by Israeli authorities on Palestinian women and the role women perform before, during and after such demolitions. It also compares this situation of house demolitions in comparison with other cases that Palestinian women have faced in times of crisis, and asks the question whether this new crisis falls into a similar pattern.
Throughout the Palestinian experience since 1948, women have played significant roles, both in the social and political sphere. However, the dominant patriarchal structure of Palestinian society tended to contain the position of women during intervening periods, thus preventing the augmentation of their overall social status. The prominence of women in crises is followed by the relative disappearance.
Although women were visible in instances throughout Palestinian history, the first major period of women’s prominence occurred during the first Intifada. “The intifada, Uprising. This massive and spontaneous popular uprising released the hidden or suppressed resources and energies and transformed them. Women reconverted from all directions, teenage girls, middle-aged women, middle-class women, professional women, older white-haired, all formed a chain of resistance in one voice, each from her place”. (Ashrawi, page43).
The woman proved to be a dominant component and asset in the attempts to resolve the conflict. She proved to have the power, capability, charisma, eloquence that once man only took charge of. During the Intifada, women emerged as the designers and speakers of a new language for the Palestinians—an approach that humanized the resistance. Women exercised their option for directness and honesty, bringing an aspect of innocence to the Intifada, a willingness to confront the realistic circumstances, to take the initiative, to assert existence, and not to succumb to intimidation. Most of all, women brought to the encounter with the occupier, and subsequently to all others, that one essential component that was to become the most remarkable quality of Palestinian political discourse: the human dimension.
During the Second Intifada, women’s role was remarkably held back and reverted to the shadows of the society. The same resisting woman was now kept at home, submissive to a patriarchal system—first controlled by a husband and then also the male children. The previously strong woman who faced a bulldozer and an army was driven back home and subjected to all the old limitations that accompany living in a patriarchal society.
On the political level, once leading spokeswomen whose views and words were beautiful TV screens retreated to the echoes of an oppressive patriarchal system.
Despite the fact that more women voices are filling additional spaces, nevertheless, their effectiveness has largely been diminished in overall effect in society.

II. Background: Demolitions and Expulsion
Since 1947, the act of dispossession took place in four systematic waves, and in 1967 a new phase of dispossession started over again.
The First Wave:
Approximately 30,000 Palestinians were forced to leave the country during the period from January 1947 up to March 1948 (Tamari: 2002).
The Second Wave:
Over 300,000 Palestinians left West Jerusalem, Tiberias, Haifa, Jafa, Bissan, and those who survived the Deir Yasin massacre (Tamari:2002). These huge numbers were forced to leave during the period from March 1948 up to May 1948. They were terrified by the horrible massacre committed by Hagana forces against innocent civilians in Deir Yasin village where the death toll reached 250 persons including children, women, and older adults.
The Third Wave:
The Israeli armed forces deported approximately 100,000 Palestinians from Lod and Ramla cities to Jordan during the period from May 1948 to December 1948 (Tamari: 2002).
The Fourth Wave:
Given the Israeli hostilities, which continued even after the 1948 war, over 200,000 Palestinians were forced to move to the Gaza Strip (Tamari: 2002).

Since 1967, when Israel occupied the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, thousands of Palestinian homes have been demolished. Some had been built and inhabited for years; they are furnished, often occupied by more than one family with many children, who are often given only 15 minutes to gather their possessions and leave. A squad of workers may throw the furniture into the street, or the furniture may be still in the house when the family sees the bulldozers move in. Other houses are still uninhabited but have been built as the fruit of months of work and the expenditure, sometimes, of all the family’s savings (Amnesty International: 1999)

18,000 houses Palestinian homes have been demolished. At least 6,000 homes were destroyed immediately following the 1967 war. Four entire villages were razed, while hundreds of old homes were destroyed in Jerusalem’s Old City to create a plaza for the Wailing Wall. In 1971, 2,000 houses in the Gaza refugee camps were cleared to facilitate military control. At least 2,000 homes in the Occupied Territories were destroyed in the course of quelling the first Intifada. Almost 1,700 Palestinian homes in the Occupied Territories were demolished by the Civil Administration during the Oslo peace process. Since the start of the second Intifada, about 5000 Palestinian homes have been destroyed in military operations, including hundreds in Jenin, Nablus, Ramallah, Bethlehem, Hebron and other cities of the West Bank, more than 2500 in Gaza alone. Tens of thousands of other homes have been left uninhabitable. Around 50,000 people have been left homeless. (Halper: 2005).
During the same period about 1900 Palestinian homes have been demolished by the Civil Administration for lack of proper permits. More than 628 Palestinian homes have been demolished during the second Intifada as collective punishment and “deterrence” affecting families of people known or suspected of involvement in attacks on Israeli civilians. Also, tens of thousands of other homes are under threat of demolition, their occupants living in fear of forced eviction and homelessness. (ICAHD: 2006)
At the same time, at least 155 Israeli settlements, containing more than 170,000 Jewish Israeli citizens, have been established (B’tselem: 2007). Israeli Settlements benefit from an efficient system of planning and supervision of construction, and establishment of comprehensive planning schemes for all the settlements. Despite this, thousands of houses were built in these settlements without permits. Israel refrained from demolishing these houses, and instead issued retroactive building permits for thousand of houses constructed without permits. This building-permit policy blatantly discriminates between settlers and Palestinians. (B’tselem: 2007).
In this situation, and with no option, many Palestinians are compelled to build without a permit. The construction is not a political act or an act of protest. It is the only way left to them to provide housing for themselves and their families.

III. Israeli Justifications for Demolitions
Israeli authorities justify house demolitions in various ways. Among the reasons often cited are:
Illegal Building, without permits: Officials and spokespersons of the Israeli government have consistently maintained that the demolition of Palestinian houses is based on planning considerations and is carried out according to the law. Palestinians build homes illegally, without planning permission and therefore these houses are destroyed. Governments and local councils, they point out, have planning rules and forbid the building of houses outside designated areas.
Military/security needs: The vast majority of the homes, land and other properties destroyed by the Israeli army in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in recent years fall under the category, which Israel defines as destruction for military/security needs that can be divided into four, at times overlapping, sub-categories which are punitive demolitions of houses belonging to families of Palestinians who are known or suspected of involvement in attacks against Israelis. The Israeli authorities assert that these homes are destroyed as a “deterrent,” to dissuade other Palestinians from carrying out attacks against Israelis.
Houses, land, and other properties which the Israeli authorities claim it is necessary to destroy for security needs, notably to build or expand roads or other infrastructure for the benefit or protection of Israeli settlers or soldiers
The destruction of houses, land and other properties which the Israeli authorities contend were used or could be used by Palestinian armed groups to shoot or launch attacks against Israelis, and which Israel argues it is entitled to destroy at any time.
Another category is properties which Israeli authorities claim were destroyed in the course of combat activities. The majority of the homes that were demolished and damaged on the grounds of “military/security-related needs” were located in the Gaza Strip and a large percentage was in refugee camps. These demolitions have targeted the poorest and most vulnerable sector of the Palestinian population in the Occupied Territories. The declared objective of house demolitions was deterrence, achieved by harming the relatives of Palestinians who carried out or were suspected of involvement in carrying out, attacks against Israeli citizens and soldiers. Indeed, the main victims of the demolitions were family members, among them women, the elderly, and children, who bore no responsibility for the acts of their relative and were not suspected of involvement in any offense. In the vast majority of house demolitions, the person because of whom the house was demolished no longer lived in the house, either because he was “wanted” by Israel and was in hiding, or because he was being held by Israel and was awaiting a long prison sentence, or because he had been killed by security forces or in the attack he carried out. (Badil: “Palestinians residency and refugees.”)
IV. The Need for Building Permits
The legal pretext for house demolition has been the control of development in the amended Jordanian planning law. Meanwhile, virtually no opportunity has been given for legitimate development to take place. The result has been the demolition of houses which, without the possibility of building with a permit, Palestinians have had to rely on without a permit. The objective has apparently been to confine Palestinian development to existing urban areas to preserve the maximum opportunity for land confiscation and Jewish settlement.
The general procedure operated by the military government for granting permission to build houses has remained unchanged for 20 years. It is centralized, complex, lengthy and costly. Guidance on procedure has never been issued. Neither the composition of the committee of the High Planning Council nor the agenda nor the minutes of meetings is published.
Since 1967, Israel has employed a policy of planning, development, and building that severely restricts construction by Palestinians through freezing land registration and planning in Palestinian towns and villages, making it easy to deny applications for permits on the grounds of failure to prove ownership of the land.

V. Demolitions under International Law
Israeli officials have ignored the Fourth Geneva Convention, which requires “the occupying power to protect the welfare of the people in the areas it has occupied, and international human rights law, which recognizes the right of everyone to an adequate standard of living, including housing.” Under the Fourth Geneva Convention, Occupying Powers are prohibited from destroying property or employing collective punishment. Article 53 reads: « Any destruction by the Occupying Power of real or personal property belonging individually or collectively to private persons, or to the State, or to other public authorities, or to social or cooperative organizations, is prohibited, except where such destruction is rendered necessary by military operations .»(Amnesty:2007)
Ostensibly, demolition of houses is a purely administrative procedure based solely on planning considerations. However, examination of the location and timing of demolitions and comparing them with the planning policy in the settlements indicate that the mass demolition project serves objectives entirely unrelated to planning.
VI. Setting of Demolitions
VI.1. Demolition Orders
The West Bank is divided into 18 districts, each with its own ’inspection officer’ with a white Toyota truck who is responsible for tracking development in his district. These agents are known only by their first name, which appears on the demolition orders, and are feared by Palestinians as they often break into private property. The fact that the rules are cited with a regular unofficial car tends to confuse people and diminish the difference between the ordinary Israelis and the army. It tends to make the Israeli system appear to the Palestinians as one military system that people inside it dress regularly but at the end they are all militants.
The orders are completed in Hebrew and do not specify either the location or nature of the violation. The first (’stop work’) order (often not received) is delivered to the site and gives a date when the case can be argued before the Inspections sub-committee of the High Planning Council at one of their regular Monday meetings. Cases last between one and five minutes each – unless land ownership is the main issue (Margalit: 36: 2006).
Demolition orders (and demolitions) are distributed widely throughout the Palestinian neighborhoods. Threatened houses exist in almost every street, and it is probable that economic Palestinians live in or next to a house due for demolition.
There is no apparent rationale why one house is demolished while another similar is left standing: It seems that the objective of the Israeli authorities (in East Jerusalem as in the West Bank) is to prevent Palestinian development by threatening and demolishing particular houses, perhaps randomly selected, as a warning to others, rather than scheduling whole neighborhoods for destruction, which would be politically damaging.
Nothing further will happen until the arrival of troops and bulldozers; this may occur after seven days or after as many months or years. The only respite the family has from the fear of imminent destruction of their home is on Fridays and Saturdays: by experience; they know that demolitions do not take place on the Jewish Sabbath.
Um Mohammad Hamdan, a 60 year old woman from Anata , describes her endless days and nights awaiting for the day of the second demolition saying: “I could only sleep for the first time in six months, the fear and terror of waiting for them (the army) is worse than the rubbles that surround me at this moment, the first demolition they came at dawn. They stole my jewelry and 500Jd that I had kept for my son’s university tuition. They stole it, they vandalized our belongings, I had to pay my part of inheritance in Amman, they demolished it again, but at least I can sleep now (Harhash: interview, Um Mohammad, 2007).”
In her interview Um Mohammad went further in describing the man in the Toyota, who according to her became evident in the future as being part of the military system, who at the beginning when he spoke to them in perfect Arabic, she tended to think that he might be there to at least be helpful in convincing his authorities not to perceive the demolition. Her trauma about the demolition and about who performs it.
The number of demolition orders in force at any one time is high.The Israeli authorities thus have an extensive portfolio of cases from which particular houses can be chosen for demolition, in the light of internal (Israeli) or international political pressures, the local priorities for confiscation and settlement expansion, and the message which selection of a particular home will signal to Palestinians wanting to build elsewhere in Area C . There are many occasions where the political motivation in carrying out house demolitions appears to be compelling, and house demolition for lack of permits seems to be used as a collective punishment. For example, 45 Palestinian houses were demolished the month following a double suicide bombing in West Jerusalem on 30 July 1997 (Amnesty International, 2004).

VI.2. The milieu of demolition:
Forced evictions and house demolitions are usually carried out without warning, and the occupants are given little or no time to leave their homes. Sometimes they are allowed a few minutes or half an hour, too little to salvage their belongings. Often the only warning is the rumbling of the Israeli army’s bulldozers, and tanks and the inhabitants barely have time to flee as the bulldozers begin to tear down the walls of their homes. Thousands of families have had their homes and possessions destroyed under the blades of the Israeli army’s Caterpillar bulldozers. In the wake of the demolitions men, women and children return to the ruins of their homes searching for whatever can be salvaged from under the rubble: passports or other documents, children’s schoolbooks, clothes, kitchenware or furniture which were not destroyed.
The result is the same: families are left homeless and destitute. They must rely on relatives, friends and charity organizations for shelter and subsistence.
Also, tens of thousands of other homes are under threat of demolition, their occupants living in fear of forced eviction and homelessness.

VII. Impact of Demolitions

Demolitions have a different impact on women than on men. Women are not just individuals but mothers, sisters, and wives. Whatever happens to their families affects their lives completely, and they have to take responsibility for it.
Men are ensnared in these situations with incompetence and surrounded with complete inefficiency towards their duties to their families. In a society where a person is considered to be the source of security to the household, the demolition of the house makes him in a single moment ineffectual.

The link between all the effects are so closed and integrated that so often it repeats itself, it is hard to separate the economic effect from the social effect which is both incorporated into the psychological effect of the demolition particularly on women.
One more time, the women’s role and hence her force is incorporated with all the current structure, where it is combined with her role as a female and her role as a human.

VII.1. Social Impact
The house is the space which women feel is their own. Men spend more time outside the home for work and social activities, and children go to school and play outside, whereas the running of the house is mainly women’s responsibility or their primary business. Whether they work outside the house or not, women devote a significant amount of their time and energy in unremunerated and often overlooked works in the home. They are therefore
Particularly affected by forced eviction and the destruction of their homes. When families are made homeless by the demolition of their homes, women bear the brunt of rebuilding the home. The violation and ensuing trauma of losing one’s home are akin to that of rape for many women (see Shalhoub). In this societal structure, abused woman is a woman who loses or her life and is isolated and surrounded with disgrace and shame, even though she is a victim. In demolitions, the woman loses what once was her pride, her secured place, and kingdom.She has lost her world in a physical sense, and in a social sense, too, because she is no longer in charge but living in someone else’s house, and has to take on the subordinate status of a daughter to her mother-in-law.
“I feel constantly tense, desperately needing a private place for my family; even a small room with mice would be okay for us! I want my children to be able to move around as they wish and to play freely with their Toys. I want us to feel that we are still a family. I have become so depressed that I cannot eat, and this depression has had an effect on my husband and children.” (Suhad, testimony: WCLAC: 2005).
The demolitions affect the direct social lives of women, regarding moving them physically from an independent visible place that once was theirs to another that they don’t own, and in reality, moves them backward to a phase they thought was over.
The loss of privacy and space often puts a strain on the relationships between family members, which often results in the mothers feeling undermined in their role as a source of authority and emotional and material support for their children.

VII.2. Economical Impact
In most cases, the families whose homes have been demolished cannot afford to pay for alternative accommodation and have therefore been forced to move in with relatives, who often do not have sufficient space to accommodate an additional family.
In most cases the first building would have already cost them their life savings, so moving with other relatives cannot be an option, and many women find themselves obliged to find other sources of living outside to help the extended family in participating in the household expenses from one side, and in many cases helping in paying the debts that resulted from building the first house and now demolishing it thus finding themselves taking another role.
For women who spend more time in the house it is they who are more affected by the discomfort of living in someone else’s space, where they can no longer take responsibility for the administration of the family area and activities.
Once being the primary administrator of the house, now she finds herself following the rules of another person, who could be her mother, mother-in-law, sister, or sister-in-law.
Another pressure women face by their children , where women have to cope by at least managing some space to their children, and absorbing the suffocation of the new lifestyle forces on them, as mothers, what the rules she has previously and naturally set are not the same again. So she has to develop new guidelines for her children while adapting to the situation.

In most cases, the result of the demolition results in cutting more expenses on the household expenses, where it affects the children costs that could have an impact on their schools.This, one more time intensifies the mother role in trying to manage the costs so that it won’t affect the children education.

VII.3. Psychological Impact
What a home, a house represents is a sense of only security. A house is the home, the homeland, and is the place where one lives, where one resides, where one ends a day journey and rests. A place where one leaves his belongings builds in his memories and rests and plan for tomorrow. The home is where women invest their time, make their safety nets, advance their talents and hobbies, carry on their work of looking after the family, and carrying on with their life responsibilities.
Demolition, an act by the sense of destruction it causes, both on the physical and mental level, destroys all means of security. Worse than choosing or forcibly leaves one’s home, seeing it turning into rubbles before one’s eyes, destroying one moment after the other, by each dig of the bulldozer’s fork, eternal destruction to any hope of what could mean life. The destruction of the home changed women’s previous gender roles sharply and required them to face new challenges, carry the burden of rebuilding a new house/home,
Moreover, women are left with individual responsibilities following the loss of the house and home. In creating yet another space for their families and themselves. The difficulties of organizing and creating a new home with literally nothing left to begin anew. Hardships in taking care of their own and family member’s needs following the demolition, their search for a place to live, their need for shelter, food, their hygiene and their health needs. Their feeling of despair, yet their need to be strong and calm down their children when they had no place to shelter or safeguard them. In an interview held by a group of women whose houses were demolished, women discussed their need to go to their workplace or school, upset, desperate, hungry and without having been able even to wash up, or change clothes. Such things highlight the vulnerability and dislocation that the trauma of losing their house causes.
Adolescent girls are expected to react to the demolition of the house in a feminine manner and were not able to give free reign to their emotions like their male brothers, which eventually affected their state of mind. The loss of the only haven that the young boys and girls have known, of course, affects them both deeply, but the gender ramifications of such violence are different, and far from being fully accounted for.
Once the home is destroyed, women are left with the metaphoric and symbolic burdens—which are no less real than the material loss of a safe place to live—of not having a sense of safety and location of belonging, a source of memories.Women, one more time, find themselves surrounded next to the rubbles with a new nightmare of despair, helplessness, fear, insecurity, and responsibility to gather and to embrace a family without a shelter. To protect without a ceiling to cover, and to bear one time after the other the suffering that such acts caused the whole being of what would mean to be a family.

The emotional and psychological impact on family members is often dire, and the trauma of dispossession can lead to family bitterness and breakup. Other relations will often take in the stricken family, but this is usually far from satisfactory as they are likely to be overcrowded already. If all else fails, the tent which the International Committee of the Red Cross provides will give some protection.
Women whose families have been made homeless as a result of the demolition of their homes feel even less able to complain and seek redress, both because they feel that in the face of the loss of the family home their Grievances are not seen as a priority and because the additional practical and financial Difficulties caused by the destruction of the family home make it harder to find a Solution to their individual problem.

VII.4. The Impact of Demolition on Education
Apart from such immediate, material consequences, house demolitions have long term effects such as limiting or negating women’s access to education, social services, medical services, support systems and economic resources.
As previously mentioned, the try it again impacts of demolition could directly .” education, and women try to cope with it as mothers to provide their children with the essential education. There is the case when girls stop going to school or universities because males are more likely to receive the benefits of getting the opportunity. Often, the psychological effect of the demolition creates more negative impacts on girl’s security, where girls suffer from traumas those results in weakening their educational level, and their fear of going to school.
In many cases, girls and boys feel guilty for leaving their home on that day and believe that they could have stopped the soldiers if they were there.
For teenager’s girls, the result is worse, when a teenager loses all the sense of privacy in one moment, and if the house stops becoming a home, then the world is a dangerous place that cannot protect her, and the school becomes another source of insecurity instead of support.
Amal, a teenager who came back from school seeing her home in rubbles describes what happened: “I thought that they will never demolish our home, I have just organized my room, I even kept my diary in the drawer, I came back, and I found my things all spread around , I was trying to find my journal, I felt naked, my stuff were everywhere, kids from the neighborhood were looking at my pictures, I couldn’t find my diary, I didn’t want to go to school, I didn’t want to leave my mother, if we were all home maybe we could have stopped them . My father cannot work anymore, he is getting sick and weak, my mom, I don’t know my mom is alone, I want to be with her, I don’t want to see anyone, I don’t have anything anymore, I don’t have a home, I cannot look into books, I keep imagining what happened, my little sisters crying around me, we have nothing.” (Harhash: interviews: 2007)
The effect of demolitions of Adolescent girls is far too complicated in the trauma it causes them. At this age, girls tend to develop their means of privacy, which the demolition of the house destroys entirely. The world around them becomes unstable, and no one is reliable anymore. Their parents cannot provide them shelter, and their sense of security is lost for a long time if not forever.

VII.5. The Impact of Direct Military Action (in demolitions) on Women:
Palestinian women suffer in unique and distinct ways from house demolitions and all the other arbitrary military actions that accompany them. The caprices of the Israeli army have increased Palestinian women’s vulnerability to violence. The loss of the home added to the restrictions of movement, the constant humiliating treatment of the Palestinians and the increased hidden and apparent military measures to capture/threaten those that their houses are at the risk of being demolished changed and in some cases transformed women’s gender roles tremendously.
The gendered differences and gaps between men and women were not only enhanced but also abused by military forces when relating to house demolition.
Military forces violated social and familial norms and intentionally sexually and socially harassed women and humiliated and used violence against men and females publicly and privately. Women in own testimonies expressed their fear about mentioning such harassments (Harhash: interviews: 2007). The humiliation of men in front of women, and the abuse of women publicly and in their private spaces among their male family members, mainly before, during and following house demolitions increased the social fears and sense of insecurity towards the safety of women.
“Women suffer immensely from forced eviction. … Domestic violence is higher in the precarious and often stressful situation of inadequate housing, especially before and during a forced eviction.” (UN: COHRE: 2003)
The women end up to be suffering as a result of the men anguish from the demolitions. They pay the price twice, first directly from the military system and secondly from their people who release their agony on women.

VIII. Structural Effects: The Effects and Links of Various Systems on Women
“Politics, gender, space, race, occupation, capitalism, law and international globalized power games. Men and women come to know themselves, their roles and power through their gendered body and spaces. Understanding how gender roles and bodies are produced in areas and how spaces racialized bodies entails an interrogation of how subjects come to know themselves in and through spaces, within multiple systems of domination.”
(Shalhoub: 2007).
Women’s ways of challenging the various systems of dominations, through the repeated attacks on their private and public spaces, both increased their vulnerabilities, but also empowered them to fight injustice. They try and keep trying to find ways and innovate methods to cope with the loss of the house and the home.
Others prefer to withdraw into the total, the collective, and at the same time into the self. Here, women try to merge again within the new space that they were given, probably with the extended family.
Others challenge the system and transform their gender roles. In many cases women challenge the army; they go to court and start a whole new role outside their traditional space. Um, Ahmad, a woman from Anata found herself taking charge of the entire legal proceedings after the demolition, going to lawyers, and standing in courts, and even issuing a jail order against her, and spending a week in prison for not paying the penalty in time. In this case, Um Ahmad who knows how to read and write unlike her husband, found herself driven in a role that she never even imagined of taking. (Harhash: Interviews: 2007)
Understanding the effect of the Israeli demolition policy on women entails that we look and examine carefully how systems of oppression mutually constitute each other and know how the political, legal, social, gender and economic are linked. Also, we need to look also at the way the various systems of domination and occupation operates on the domestic and local level and identify legal and social practices that produce racial hierarchies. Such racialized hierarchies enhance the differences between men and women and operate as an additional tool of discrimination and domination (Shalhoub: 2007). In the former example, Um Ahmad had to transform her roles in a switching mode, a woman fighting the occupation system in the day, and a woman forced into submission to the patriarchal system in the night. The pressure on her even increased because the man’s pride would entail him to suppress any power she might gain from her experience outside the house with the occupation authority (Harhash: Interviews: 2007).
Palestinian women are victims of multiple violations as a result of the demolitions which are part of Israel’s policies, and a system of norms, traditions, and laws which treat women as unequal members of society. These violations are closely interlinked and cannot be adequately addressed in isolation from each other.

IX. Conclusion

What is happening is not much different from what happened 60 years ago when a series of attacks and threats resulted in the dispossession of more than half of a nation. And what is going on today in the systematic targeting of the homes of those left on the land by demolition policy. There is not much of a difference in women’s role from the time when they abide by what they were told to perform, trailing behind on the road to exile, to the women today, who still sit encased next to the rubbles of what once was home.
After observing tens of demolitions, and learning and examining dozens of cases, and talking and working with families and women, the similar scene of the first dispossession of the Palestinians keeps repeating itself, with each demolition, with each scene, with each word that is said, with every face that utters. It is the same story of suffering, helplessness, loss, and cry for help from a source wholly indefinite. It is a call to anyone who can have the sense of hearing, even as it is convinced that no one can act in response.
It is still the unquestionable soreness and suffering: a woman sitting with her hands around her cheeks, with tears enduring to descend, with a key of what previously was home, 60 years ago with a yearning to go back home. Now over the rubble, the woman shows the world that the tent was never home, and the home continues to be destroyed as long as an occupation is still there.

It doesn’t matter where these women come from, rich or poor, middle level or high class, educated or not, they are all distinguished with what seems to be eccentric submissiveness. It could be still analyzed as this massive supremacy of adapting to a situation. In 1948, in order to help the family survive, to keep each stakeholder at least administer to endure the viciousness of their loss, women had to make a home out of that tent , and still continue to maintain the core of that original house concealed in the midst of what they were able to grasp from their precious belongings. Adaptation to one terrible condition following the other, to one difficulty and adversity after the other, was undoubtedly accompanied by what became a mountain of despair and helplessness. Loss of hope and faith in the justice of the world adjacent to her, and certainly in the utter lack of power her spouse is competent to have.
Palestinian women may be deemed the strongest women alive when evaluated by the amount of hardship that they have endured, and one more time, it is not a perceived, a directly touched adversity. Palestinians are not threatened by poverty that could get them to famine; they are not surrounded by a war that could lead to their direct extinction. An Israeli writer described Israel as an abused child who became an abusive parent (Burg: 2008). Palestine is the abused wife, who is married to the possessive husband, who from outside looks perfectly handsome, eloquent, and no one can suspect.
What is fascinating about this society is its miraculous capability to move on, and forgive the ability of people in demolition cases to separate between the soldier who gets orders and the authorities who make the rules and the normal individuals who have nothing to do with anything. As Rashid Khalidi puts it: “This is the underlying strength of the Palestinian people: it is like water that cannot be dammed up, but finds a way to get through. This resilience is there no matter what new refinements the occupier devices to torture his captive”(Khalidi: 2008).
In a way, this has to do with the whole culture, with the raising up, with women, who are raised up to accept and hold a full burden of life under her arm and manage everything without any expectation except the best for her family. There are no better words to describe the situation that results in women’s role as the UN Special Rapporteur : “This is the point where two systems of subordination – occupation and patriarchy – converge in the Occupied Palestinian Territories: women in confronting the former submit to the latter”(UN, “Occupation and Patriarchy, women carry the burden”).


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Amnesty International, “Under the rubble: House demolition and destruction of land and property.” (May 2004)

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Braverman, Irus, “Powers of illegality: house demolitions and resistance in East Jerusalem.” (June 2007)

Brooks, Libby, “We just want to live normally.” The Guardian (Jan 2002)

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B’tselem, the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights. “Access Denied: Israeli measures to deny Palestinians access to land around settlements” (Sep 2008)

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B’tselem: The Israeli information Center for Human Rights, “Planning and Building,” (2007)

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Incoherent moments: Between an airstrike and a UN Resolution

A Fatah friend of mine told me some days ago while discussing the situation that they are worried that while the president is putting all his tremendous efforts in the UNSC at the moments in coming back with a (resolution) state, Hamas will do something “foolish.” After some Palestinian Fatah, non-Fatah arguments, my friend declared (for the hundredth time at least) that someone like me doesn’t understand the dynamics of great parties.
Wednesday arrived, the proposal was submitted (I think), and Hamas didn’t do anything foolish. Fatah did.
Gaza woke on streets filled with anti-Abbas slogans and demonstrations from Fatah’s Dahl Supporters.
As we still don’t know what is happening in the UNSC, Israeli elections campaign are getting in heated debates amongst the competitors, and if Palestinian issue is used, the Peace pigeon Zsipi’s comment that included Palestinian in a TV appearance was the “stupid ones,” and she is right.
We know that the U.S will veto, but Saeb Eriqat still insists that he will challenge that as if something new is coming out of this.
On the Eve of an UNSC resolution, Israeli air forces held two airstrikes in Gaza.
Between an airstrike and a UN resolution, Fatah is still trying to figure out how to remain in power with all in hands and with an assumed upcoming elections … one day when Hamas disappears maybe.

I wish there is a rock, mountain high and distant from this universe, where one can have a look outside of those too many circles of complications that are surrounding us like a giant snake. The rock I mean needs to be on a different comet having a panoramic view on earth.

The situation around the globe seems like what I always call the Kafkaesque system applied in Jerusalem towards Palestinians.

The world is getting into this kafkaesque-ing situation that one cannot get his head from his toe anymore. From the reconciliation government between Fateh and Hamas to the removal of Hamas from the terrorist organizations today by the EU Justice Court. And swinging on a UNSC resolution application between an expected veto by the U.S.A or not.

A lot took place in between, and it wasn’t just the kidnapping of three Israeli settlers and a war that took a form of genocide on the people of Gaza and a continuous ethnic cleansing procedure that never stopped since 1948.

The rise of ISIS, why, who, when, it still seems like an avalanche, some like me still insist they are not real. But they are real, and it is already past through the analysis of the whys and how’s of their existence. All the mess between all what is Islamism in the form of terror from Syria to Iraq and if we forget, Taliban came in to participate in the scene to bring Pakistan into the sphere.

Islam and terror, from one side and Ebola in Africa from the other side.

A bigger different aspect of war is going on elsewhere, Ferguson eruption and white, black racism is nothing but a shade of reality that is not in question but a reminder to that part of the world. Russia, Putin. Ukraine and flights and now Russian currency and oil prices.

Australia and a terrorist Muslim, again …

Germany and immense warfare deals with Israel, and a Jewish massive demonstration scene in Berlin.

Egypt and Ikhwan; also Hamas. Erdogan and demonstrators.

European countries are successively recognizing a Palestinian state … so what?

Israel and another election.

Palestinians and inner conspiracy thinking,

Olive oil is getting more expensive than gasoline.

We are entering the era of Bollywood